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Greater Noida tense after farmers thrash 2 cops to death

NDTV.com - 10 hours ago

Greater Noida hostage drama ends

NewsX - May 7, 2011

Farmers take three govt employees hostage in Greater Noida

NewsX - May 7, 2011

Click here to read Update publication, Issue 18, on Operation Green Hunt [PDF, English, 79 pages] »

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The government may garner over Rs 1,100 crore from sale of its 5 per cent stake in PFC through a follow-on public offer (FPO). The process will also involve sale of 15 per cent fresh equity worth over Rs 3,300 crore, scheduled for May 10-13.

The proposed Rs 1,100-crore share sale in PFC would take the gross proceeds for the government from its various disinvestment exercises till date to about Rs 1,00,800 crore.

Currently, the total receipts stands at Rs 99,738.92 crore from the government's various disinvestment programmes, ever since they begun in the financial year 1991-92, as per the data available with the Department of Disinvestment .

PFC would be the first disinvestment for the current financial year 2011-12, while there have been only three fiscals -- 1993-94, 2006-07 and 2008-09 -- with no disinvestment receipts at all into the government coffers.

The government has currently lined up three public sector majors -- ONGC (likely in July), SAIL and Hindustan Copper Ltd -- among its forthcoming disinvestments.

The government has proposed an ambitious disinvestment target of Rs 95,000 crore from sale of shares in public sector companies over next three fiscals, including Rs 40,000 crore in the current fiscal.

This is despite the government not being able to meet its target of Rs 40,000 crore in the last fiscal, when total disinvestment proceeds stood at Rs 22,762.96 crore.

In 2010-11, the government carried out disinvestment in SJVN Ltd (Rs 1062.74 crore), Engineers India Ltd (Rs 959.65 crore), Coal India (Rs 15,199.44 crore), PowerGrid (Rs 3721.17 crore), MOIL (Rs 1,237.51 crore) and SCI (Rs 582.45 crore).

Presenting the budget for the current fiscal, Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee had said that he intends to maintain the momentum on disinvestment in 2011-12 by raising Rs 40,000 crore.

Besides, the budget documents projected the disinvestment receipts at Rs 30,000 crore and Rs 25,000 crore in 2012-13 and 2013-14, respectively.

The gross disinvestment proceeds of Rs 99,738.92 crore till date includes Rs 81,673.90 crore through sale of minority shareholding in central public sector enterprises (CPSEs) and Rs 1,317.23 crore through sale of majority shareholding of one CPSE to another such undertaking.

Besides, it includes Rs 6,344.35 crore from strategic sales, Rs 6,398.27 crore from sale of residual shareholding in disinvested CPSEs/companies and Rs 4,005.17 crore from other disinvestment-related transactions.

On Sunday the violence spread to Agra and Aligarh even as the situation in villages on the periphery of Greater Noida continued to be tense, with reports of large number of men folk in the villages reported missing.

The fresh protests by farmers clearly indicates that the new land acquisition policy brought by the Mayawati government last year after similar agitation's has failed to click with farmers still reluctant to hand over their land for building of townships and expressways by business houses.

Trouble started in Bhatta Parsaul village of Greater Noida on Saturday when agitating farmers held three UP State Road Transport Corporation employees captive to protest against acquisition of their agricultural land. The situation turned violent when the police reached the spot to get the three government employees released.

Mishandling of the situation led to firing between the farmers group and the police which saw the District Magistrate of Gautambudh Nagar Deepak Agarwal being shot in the leg. Two police men and a farmer were also killed as both fought a pitched battle for several hours.

The police raided the houses of several villagers misbehaving with women and children and later allegedly torched several homes, which were seen burning through the night.

There were reports of womenfolk in the villages claiming that hundreds of men have been missing since Sunday night with no trace of their being in police custody.

Rashtriya Lok Dal Chief Ajit Singh while going to the village was arrested and later released after a few hours.

He said that the Mayawati government was forcibly acquiring land at lower rates to help corporate houses.

BJP general secretary Arun Jaitley said that there was no reason for the police to open fire on farmers. He said that the Mayawati government was unwilling to listen to the people and forcibly acquiring land.

On Sunday even as one more farmer succumbed to injury taking the total death toll to four, farmers anger spread to Agra and Aligarh through which the Yamuna Expressway of the JP group passes.

Villagers clashed with the police in Chaugan Garhi village and at a few other places in Agra in which three policemen were injured. The villagers torched the JCB machine, generator, vehicles and the camp office of JP Infratech set up at the construction site.

In Aligarh farmers near the Tappal village blocked the highway and protested against the state government.

The Special DGP, Brij Lal who rushed to Greater Noida on Sunday said that the protestors are not farmers and are instead armed anti social elements. The state government has declared a reward of Rs 50,000 for nabbing farmer leader Manveer Singh Tewatiya, who has been inciting the violent protests, according to Brij Lal.

Section 144 have been promulgated in Noida, Agra and other places of the state where farmers have started their agitation.

In a major policy shift, the Transport Ministry on Tuesday said it has fixed monthly monitorable targets for road building and will bid out all projects beginning August through e-tendering process to introduce greater transparency in the sector. It means large scale landacqisition for the Roads on which you may go provided you pay TOLL TAX!

"We are committed to ensuring greater transparency and accountability in the road sector. We have fixed month-wise monitorable targets for award of contracts worth about Rs 57,000 crore by January, 2012," Transport Minister CP Joshi said here while addressing his first press conference.

Joshi said the National Highways Authority of India (NHAI) will award five projects for building 570 km in May at a cost of Rs 4,656 crore. Four projects worth over Rs 5,500 crore were awarded last month. Altogether 59 contracts totalling 7,994 km will be awarded by January, 2012. The months of July, August and October will see award for over 1,000 km each.

Meanwhile, ANAND Bazar Patrika reports that Land Acquisition for POSCO has to begin on 18th AFRESH despite resistance!

ওড়িশায় পস্কো প্রকল্পে জমি অধিগ্রহণ ফের শুরু ১৮ই

সংবাদসংস্থা • ভুবনেশ্বর

আগামী ১৮ মে থেকেই পস্কোর প্রস্তাবিত ইস্পাত প্রকল্পের জন্য জমি অধিগ্রহণের কাজ ফের শুরু করবে ওড়িশা সরকার। কেন্দ্রীয় পরিবেশ মন্ত্রক পারাদীপের কাছে দক্ষিণ কোরীয় বহুজাতিক পস্কোর ওই ইস্পাত প্রকল্পে চূড়ান্ত ছাড়পত্র দেওয়ার পরই নতুন করে এই কাজ শুরু করছে রাজ্য।
জমি অধিগ্রহণের দায়িত্বে থাকা রাজ্য শিল্প পরিকাঠামো উন্নয়ন নিগমের সিএমডি প্রিয়ব্রত পট্টনায়ক এ কথা জানিয়ে বলেন, গত বছর যে স্থানে অধিগ্রহণ স্থগিত রাখা হয়েছিল, সেখান থেকেই ফের এই কাজ শুরু করা হবে। পাশাপাশি তাঁর দাবি, কাজ শুরুর এক মাসের মধ্যে তা শেষ হবে। নিগম, রাজ্যের মুখ্য সচিব বি কে পট্টনায়ক, জগৎসিংহপুর জেলা প্রশাসনের প্রতিনিধি এবং পুলিশের উচ্চপদস্থ কর্তাদের সঙ্গে আলোচনায় এই সিদ্ধান্ত নেওয়া হয়েছে।
জমি অধিগ্রহণের প্রক্রিয়াটি ফের শুরু করতে ইতিমধ্যেই পারাদীপের বিধায়ক এবং রাজ্যের কৃষিমন্ত্রী দামোদর রাউতের সঙ্গে দেখা করেছেন ভারতে পস্কোর সিএমডি গি উং সাং। রাউত জানান, এই কাজে স্থানীয় মানুষের সাহায্যও চেয়েছেন সাং। তবে, এ বার কোনও প্রতিরোধ ছাড়াই অধিগ্রহণ প্রক্রিয়াটি সম্পূর্ণ করা সম্ভব হবে বলে আশা প্রকাশ করেছেন রাউত। যদিও, ইতিমধ্যেই এর বিরোধিতায় ফের আন্দোলনে নামার হুমকি দিয়েছে পস্কো প্রতিরোধ সংগ্রাম সমিতি।
গত বছর প্রায় ১১ একর জমি অধিগ্রহণ করেছিল নিগম। যার মধ্যে ৯৬টি পানের বরজ রয়েছে। এ জন্য পান চাষিদের ইতিমধ্যেই ক্ষতিপূরণও দিয়েছে রাজ্য। প্রিয়ব্রতবাবুর দাবি, সরকারের জমিতে আইন বহির্ভূত ভাবে যে বরজগুলি তৈরি করা হয়েছিল, সেগুলি পুনরুদ্ধারে উদ্যোগী হয়েছেন তাঁরা। পাশাপাশি, এই ১১ একরের মধ্যে বেশ কিছু ভেড়িও রয়েছে বলে তাঁর দাবি। তবে, রাজ্যের মুখ্যমন্ত্রী নবীন পট্টনায়কের ঘোষণা অনুযায়ী, ঢিনকিয়া গ্রামের প্রায় ৩০০ একর ব্যক্তিগত জমি অধিগ্রহণ করা হবে না বলেই জানিয়েছেন প্রিয়ব্রতবাবু। এ দিকে, রাজ্য ও পস্কোর মধ্যে চুক্তির মেয়াদ শেষ হয়ে গিয়েছে প্রায় ১০ মাস আগে। ফলে, চুক্তি না-থাকায় জমি অধিগ্রহণ করলেও তা পস্কোর হাতে তুলে দিতে পারবে না রাজ্য। এ কথা জানিয়েও প্রিয়ব্রতবাবুর দাবি, পস্কোর হাতে তুলে দিতে না পারলেও, শিল্পের জন্য জমি অধিগ্রহণ করতেই পারেন তাঁরা।
অন্য দিকে, নতুন করে অধিগ্রহণের দিন ঘোষণার পরেই পস্কো প্রতিরোধ সংগ্রাম সমিতির পক্ষ থেকে জানানো হয়েছে, সংস্থাকে জমি দিলে আরও বৃহত্তর আন্দোলনের পথে হাঁটবেন তাঁরা। সংগঠনের প্রেসিডেন্ট অভয় সাহু জানান, ইতিমধ্যেই প্রস্তাবিত কারখানা এলাকার সাতটি গেটই বাঁশের দরজা দিয়ে ঘিরে দিয়েছে সংগঠনটি। তাঁদের পক্ষ থেকে জানানো হয়েছে, গ্রামের সমস্ত মহিলা, শিশু এবং বয়স্করা দিনরাত গেটগুলি পাহারা দেবেন। এমনকী, পুলিশ ও সরকারি কর্তাদেরও সেখানে ঢুকতে বাধা দেওয়া হবে। রাজ্য অধিগ্রহণ প্রক্রিয়ায় আইন ভাঙলে প্রয়োজনে আদালতেরও দ্বারস্থও হতে পারেন তাঁরা।
প্রসঙ্গত, গত বছরই জগৎসিংহপুরে পস্কোর প্রকল্পের জন্য জমি অধিগ্রহণ প্রক্রিয়া শুরু করে নিগম। কিন্তু এ ক্ষেত্রে বনাঞ্চল অধিগ্রহণ আইন লঙ্ঘন করা হয়েছে বলে একটি বিশেষ রিপোর্ট দেয় এন সি সাক্সেনা কমিটি। যার ভিত্তিতে এই প্রক্রিয়া বন্ধের নির্দেশ দেয় কেন্দ্রীয় বন ও পরিবেশ মন্ত্রক। এর পরই ২০১০-এর ৬ অগস্ট সেই কাজ বন্ধ রাখার কথা জানায় নিগম।
প্রায় ৫২ হাজার কোটি টাকা লগ্নিতে বার্ষিক ১ কোটি ২০ লক্ষ টন উৎপাদন ক্ষমতাসম্পন্ন ইস্পাত কারখানা গড়তে রাজ্যের সঙ্গে ২০০৫ সালে চুক্তি সই করে পস্কো। এ জন্য প্রাথমিক ভাবে প্রায় ৪,০০৪ একর জমি চিহ্নিত করেছিল সংস্থা, যার মধ্যে ২,৯০০ একরই বনাঞ্চল। কিন্তু তার পর থেকেই প্রকল্পটিকে নিয়ে তৈরি হয়েছে একের পর এক বিতর্ক। বনাঞ্চল অধিগ্রহণ এবং পরিবেশ সংক্রান্ত ছাড়পত্র না পাওয়ায় গত পাঁচ বছরে ধরেই আটকে রয়েছে কারখানা তৈরির কাজ। প্রথম পর্যায়ে ২০১০-এর মধ্যেই বছরে ৬ মেট্রিক টন ইস্পাত উৎপাদন ক্ষমতা সম্পন্ন কারখানা তৈরি হওয়ার কথা ছিল। কিন্তু জমি সমস্যা না-মেটায় কাজ শুরু করা সম্ভব হয়নি। শেষ পর্যন্ত গত সপ্তাহেই শর্তসাপেক্ষে জমির চরিত্র বদলে চূড়ান্ত ছাড়পত্র দেওয়ার কথা জানান কেন্দ্রীয় পরিবেশমন্ত্রী জয়রাম রমেশ। এর পরই নতুন করে জমি অধিগ্রহণে উদ্যোগী হল রাজ্য।

http://anandabazar-unicode.appspot.com/proxy?p=8bus1.htm

"These measures will help us achieve the target of building 20 km of roads a day," Joshi said, adding that about 10,000 km of roads will be taken for award of contracts in 2011-12 for ensuring minimum achievement of 7,300 km which has been decided as a target by Empowered Group of Ministers last month.

The Road Ministry earlier used to follow the pattern of yearly targets during Joshi's predecessor Kamal Nath . Besides, he said, " NHAI is going to take up three pilot projects, Vijayawada-Machlipatnam, Patna-Buxar and Silliguri-Goyakota-Purnea on e-tendering basis and all tenders beginning from August this year will be through e-tendering only".

The Minister informed that GIS-based satellites imagery is being used for planning and monitoring of national highways and NHAI will implement a pilot project of 1200 km covering country's far flung areas.

Pilot project will be part of updating the existing GIS and web based Road Information System (RIS) of 7,000 km which is available on NHAI website.

Elaborating transparency measures undertaken so far, Joshi said NHAI was on Facebook and the Ministry welcomed suggestions for reforms. So far over 30,000 users visited the Facebook account.

Also annual Pre-qualification of bidders has been introduced to cut delays in road projects . Besides, a committee has been constituted to carry forward the process of Electronic Toll Collection (ETC).

On Expressways, he said, planning for it has been intensified and his Ministry was in talks with stakeholders, including state governments for such projects including Delhi-Jaipur Expressway project.

Land Acquisition Act
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The Land Acquisition Act of 1894 is a law in India and Pakistan that allows the government to acquire private land in those countries.

"Land Acquisition" literally means acquiring of land for some public purpose by government/government agency, as authorised by the law, from the individual landowner(s) after paying a government fixed compensation in lieu of losses incurred by land owner(s) due to surrendering of his/their land to the concerned government agency.

Contents
[hide]

1 Purpose of Land Acquisition Act

2 History of Land Acquisition Act

3 Content of the Legislation
3.1 Notification
3.2 Filing of objections

3.3 Final declaration
3.4 Award
3.5 Time limit

3.6 Special powers
3.7 Compensation
4 Procedure for the Land Acquisition

4.1 1. Investigation
4.2 2. Objection and Confirmation
4.3 3. Claim and Award
4.4 4. Reference to Court

4.5 5. Apportionment
5 Authorities and agencies involved
6 Criticism
7 Other countries

8 See also
9 References
10 External links

[edit]Purpose of Land Acquisition Act

The land acquisition act of 1894 was created with the expressed purpose of facilitating the government's acquisition of privately held land for public purposes. The word "public purpose", as defined in the act, refers to the acquisition of land for putting up educational institutions or schemes such as housing, health or slum clearance, apart from the projects for rural planning or formation of sites. The word "government" refers to the central government if the purpose for acquisition is for the union and for all other purposes it refers to the state government. It is not necessary that all the acquisition has to be initiated by the government alone. Local authorities, societies registered under the societies registration act, 1860 and co-operative societies established under the co-operative societies act can also acquire the land for developmental activities through the government.

[edit]History of Land Acquisition Act

Regulation I of the land acquisition act was first enacted by the British government in the year 1824. Its application was throughout the whole of the Bengal provinces immediately subject to the Presidency of Fort William. The rules empowered the government to acquire immovable property at, what was deemed to be, a fair and reasonable price for construction of roads, canals or other public purposes. In 1850 some of the provisions of regulation I of 1824 were extended to Calcutta through Act I of 1850, with a view to confirm the land titles in Calcutta that were acquired for public purposes. At that time a railway network was being developed and it was felt that legislation was needed for acquiring land for the purposes of the railways. Building act XXVII of 1839 and act XX of 1852 were introduced to obviate the difficulties pertaining to the construction of public buildings in the cities of Bombay and Madras. Act VI of 1857 was the first full enactment, which had application to the whole of British India. It repealed all previous enactments relating to acquisition and its object. Subsequently act X of 1870 came in to effect which was further replaced by land acquisition act 1894, a completely self contained act, in order to purge some of the flaws of act X of 1870.

After independence in 1947, the Indian government adopted "Land Acquisition Act-1894" as a tool for land acquisition. Since then variousamendments have been made to the 1894 act from time to time. Despite these amendments the administrative procedures have remained same.

[edit]Content of the Legislation

[edit]Notification

The process of acquisition begins with the issuance of preliminary notification, as envisaged under section 4(1) of Land Acquisition Act, 1894. The notification has to be essentially published in the official gazette and in two daily newspapers circulating in that locality of which at least one shall be in the regional language. Further, it is also necessary that the notification has to be affixed in conspicuous places of that locality.

[edit]Filing of objections

The main objective of issuing preliminary notification is to call for objections, if any, against such acquisitions from the owners or others who are having certain interest over the property; giving them an opportunity to raise their claims against the move of the government for acquiring their lands. The persons aggrieved by such notification shall file their objections within thirty days from the date of preliminary notification(date of the publication of notification).

[edit]Final declaration

After receipt of objections, the concerned authority shall consider those objections, and if found unsatisfactory, then a final declaration rejecting the claims will be issued. Section 6 of the amended Act provides that the final declaration shall be issued by the authority within a period of one year from the date of issuance of preliminary notification under section 4(1) of the Act. However, prior to the amendment, the time stipulated under the Act for final declaration was three years from the date of publication of the preliminary notification. The final declaration has to be published as required under section 6(2) of the Act.

[edit]Award

Section 11 of the Act provides that after receiving the objections, the authority will have to hold an enquiry. However, it is necessary that actual extent of land proposed to be acquired and the value of the land has to be assessed before starting the enquiry, as required under sections 8 and 9 of the statute. On completion of the enquiry, award will be passed to that effect and published by the competent authority. After passing the award, the Collector or the Deputy Commissioner shall send notice to the owners or their representatives who were not present personally at the time of passing of the Award.

[edit]Time limit

Once the enquiry is concluded, it is the duty of the competent authority to pass the award within two years from the date of publication of the declaration under section 6, as envisaged under section 11 A of the Act. If the authority fails to adhere to the time schedule prescribed under the Act, the entire proceedings initiated for land acquisition will lapse. After passing of the award, the Deputy Commissioner or any other competent authority may take possession of the land immediately, which shall thereupon vest absolutely with the government, free from all claims, whatsoever.

[edit]Special powers

Section 17 of the Act confers special powers with the concerned authority wherein passing of award may be dispensed with and yet permits to take possession of the land notified for acquisition. Further holding of enquiry can also be waived, as envisaged under section 5 A of the Act. However, such powers can be exercised only in case of urgency. After passing of the award, the person whose land has been proposed to be acquired can give his consent for such acquisition and agree to receive the compensation.

Objections can also be raised against the measurement of the land, enhancement of compensation or apportionment of the compensation by filing a written application before the Deputy Commissioner, as provided under section 18 of the Act, requesting the authority to refer the matter to the court for determination of the grounds raised in the application. An application to that effect has to be filed by the person who was personally present when the award was passed, within six weeks from the date of the award passed by the Collector. In other cases, the application will have to be made within six weeks from the date of receipt of the notice issued under section 12(2) or within six months from the date of the award passed by Deputy Commissioner, whichever is earlier.

[edit]Compensation

Provision for settlement of dispute pertaining to apportionment of the compensation amount is available under section 30 of the Act. In such a situation, the Deputy Commissioner should refer the matter to the court. The claimant will be entitled to the compensation which is determined on the basis of the market value of the land determined as on the date of preliminary notification. According to section 34, if there is delay in payment of compensation beyond one year from the date on which possession is taken, interest at the rate of 15 per cent per annum shall be payable from the date of expiry of the said period of one year on the outstanding amount of compensation till the date of payment.

Judicial Interpretation of the word "Dispute" in the land acquisition proceedings—State of Madras Vs. B.V. Subramania Iyer AIR 1962 Mad. 313- The Word "Dispute"- Includes any controversy with regard to the title of a single claimant- The word 'dispute' has been used in a wide and not in a literal sense and implies any controversy at to title, whether as between the actual claimants, or as appearing from the documents made available by the government. It is obvious that when the government exercises its power of eminent domain and acquires property, Public funds have to be utilized for the payment of compensation to the true owner, and not merely to any claimant who cares to appear on the scene. The government has a special responsibility in this regard, and cannot later take refuge behind the pretext that the compensation was paid to the claimant who actually appeared wile others did not appeared. So long as that is the situation the acquiring officer has a right to make such a reference, even if a dispute or controversy as to the arises on the documents before him. He cannot be made liable for costs, and it is the party who has to bear the costs incurred in establishing the title, of the party to receive the compensation amount.

Status of the Tenant occupying the land to be acquired under Land Acquisition Act, 1894—M/s Indarprastha Ice and Cold Storage Ltd. Vs. Union of India AIR 1987 Del 171- Tenant is entitled to only a nominal compensation- Only a nominal portion of the compensation of the acquired land is to be paid to the tenant and substantial amount has to be taken by the landlord. The tenant is not entitled to 1/3 or 1/4 of the amount of compensation on the basis of judicial decisions relating to agricultural land on which the tenant had aright to purchase under Section 18 of the Punjab Security of Land Tenures Act. The tenant is only entitled to 1/8 share of the compensation

The government, under section 16 of the Act is at liberty to withdraw from acquisition of land except in cases provided under section 36. However, if the possession of land has been taken, then the government will have no authority to withdraw from such acquisition.

[edit]Procedure for the Land Acquisition

[edit]1. Investigation

When a local authority or a company requires a land, an application is required to be made by it to the revenue authority.
The application should be accompanied with a copy of the plan showing survey nos., purpose of acquisition and the reason for the particular site to be chosen and the provision made for the cost of the acquisition.

After the government has been fully satisfied about the purpose, the least area needed, and other relevant facts as provided under land acquisition rules, it will issue a notification under Section 4 of the act that the particular land is required for public purpose.

One of the revenue officers is appointed as the collector to hold an inquiry under Section 5-A of the Act.
After notification the owner is prohibited from selling his property or disposing of it and prevented from carrying out any works of improvements for which no compensation will be paid if executed without prior permission from the collector.

[edit]2. Objection and Confirmation

Objections are invited from all persons interested in land within thirty days from the date of notification.
The objections will be valid on one or more of the following grounds:
i. That the purpose for which the land is proposed for acquisition is not a public purpose.

ii. That the land is not or less suitable than another piece of land for the said purpose.
iii. That the area under acquisition is excessive.
iv. That the acquisition will destroy or impair historical or artistic monuments or will desecrate religious buildings, graveyards and the like.

The collector after hearing the objections will submit his report to the government who will finally declare the land for acquisition under the Section 6 of the Act.
After notification the collector proceeds with the claim. He has the site marked out, measured and a plan of the same is made.

[edit]3. Claim and Award

The collector will issue notices under Section 9 to all persons interested in the acquisition to file their claim reports.
The collector is not to be a party to the proceedings, is to possess an expert knowledge on valuation, and offers a fair price to an owner and checks that the public funds are not wasted.

The claim filed should contain the names of the claimants and co-shares if any rents or profits for last three years and a valuation report of the land from an architect or an engineer.
The government can abandon the acquisition proceedings by simply canceling the notification. However, in that case compensation has to be paid under Section 48(2).

In determining the compensation the market value of the land is determined at the date of notification. The rise and fall in the value during the period of transaction and notification is taken into consideration.

Compensation is also payable when:
i. Part of the property is proposed for acquisition in such a manner that the remainder depreciates in value.
ii. When the land notified for acquisition has standing crops or trees.

iii. If the person interested has to change his place of residence or business then the excess rent payable for the new premises is also considered for compensation.
Matters which are not taken into consideration for the purpose of land acquisition are:

i. The degree of urgency which has led to the acquisition.
ii. Any disinclination of the person interested to part with the land.
iii. Any increase in the land value likely to accrue from the use to which it will be put when acquired.

• After necessary inquiries the collector declares his award showing true area of the land, total amount of compensation payable and apportionment of compensation if there are more than one owners or claimants.

The collector has to make the award under section 11 within a period of two years from the date of notification.
[edit]4. Reference to Court

Any person interested to whom the award is not satisfactory can submit a written application to the court.
This application should be made within six weeks from the date of declaration of the award.

[edit]5. Apportionment

In apparent of the compensation each of the claimants are entitled to the value of his interest, which he has lost, by compulsory acquisition.
Thus it is required to value a variety of interest, rights and claims in the land in terms of money.

[edit]Authorities and agencies involved

Union Government
State Government
Public authorities/agencies like DDA, NOIDA, CIDCO

Companies like Reliance, Tata (for SEZs)

The procedure involved for acquisition of land for companies are dealt with under chapter VII of the act, which requires an agreement to be entered into by the company with the appropriate government and the same has to be published in the official gazette. The government cannot initiate acquisition proceedings without issuing proper notice to the owners in any of the prescribed mode of service provided under the act and provide them sufficient opportunity. If any of the provisions envisaged in the act is violated or mandatory procedures are not followed, then the entire acquisition proceedings would become void.

[edit]Criticism

The Land Acquisition act has been criticized by groups that view the act as weak and ineffective, and by groups that view the act as draconian. People who feel that act is weak argue that the procedure followed is cumbersome and costly, often resulting in inordinate delay in land acquisition. This group argues that, the determination of public purpose should be matter of executive discretion and should not be contestable at law. It has also been argued that the property valuation techniques are flawed and that the land owners get to peg the value higher than the real value, based on 'potential value' and 'opportunity value' of their property; resulting in, what is claimed as, a heavy strain on public finances and restrictions on the scale of development and redevelopment projects. There is also opposition to the additional payment of solatium to landowners over the property value.

People who argue that the act is draconian claim that a number of projects with no public purpose attached, as in the case of SEZs, usurped land from property owners, with the help of the Land Acquisition Act, at what is claimed as, well below the market value of these properties. It is argued that, even in the case of projects that are genuinely for public purposes, there is a considerable difference between the market value of the property and the value that the land acquisition officer pays the land owners. It is also argued that the relocation and rehabilitation of land owners displaced by the actions of the act, is not followed up adequately, and that this is not covered comprehensively in the framework of the act. A notable instance of opposition to land acquisition, through the land acquisition act, is the Nandigram violence incident.

It is for this reason that government has proposed further amendments in the Act to strict define the purposes for which land could be acquired. If the Amendments get through, the provisions of the Act could be invoked only in limited conditions.There are some suggestion by various commission in different states, to provide rehabilitation for whom evicted from their own land. The land acquisition (kerala amendment) bill proposed by Justice V.R Krishna Iyer Committee submitted on 26 January 2009 is an example. It is in the consideration of Kerala Government till the date.

[edit]Other countries

Australia - New South Wales ^[1]
[edit]See also

Eminent domain
[edit]References

^ http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/legis/nsw/consol_act/latca1991442/

[edit]External links

Full text of the act
Highlights and key issues of the Bill

Standing Committee Report of the Bill
Summary of the Standing Committee Report

Categories: Indian federal legislation | Property law | 1894 in law | 1894 in India

Karnataka High Court blasts indiscriminate land acquisition ...

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MAINSTREAM, VOL. XLVI, NO 23
The Unvanquished in Nandigram and Singur
EDITORIAL
SC

Once again it is the people's will, articulated through the ballot, that has triumphed over brute force. The panchayat elections in West Bengal have testified to the indomitable strength and power of the people—the ruling CPM's total rout in Nandigram and Singur in the Zilla Parishad elections has proved that in the ultimate analysis it is the people and not the totalitarian party machinery and its operators who will have the last word.

One such operator (Benoy Konar, a top leader of the West Bengal CPM) had warned the people of Nandigram in early 2007: "We will make your life hell." Another operator (Lakshman Seth, the powerful CPM MP of the area) had a month ago declared before the State CM: "We have broken the backbone of the inhabitants of Nandigram. There will be no further resistance there." The people of Nandigram have delivered a fitting rebuff to such pronouncements.

The results (the full outcome has yet to come) indicate that wherever the CPM cadres indulged in violence and wherever agricultural land was sought to be forcibly seized from the people for the sake of 'industrialisation', the dominant constituent of the ruling Left Front has been decisively defeated. Whereas in Nandigram the Trinamul Congress has won three of the four Zilla Parishad seats, in Singur (where prime agricultural land was gifted by CM Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee for Ratan Tata's Nano factory) it has been a clean sweep for the Trinamul Congress. The TMC has also captured the East Midnapore Zilla Parishad winning as many as 36 seats along with the SUC as against the CPM's 17. What is more, the CPM has been forced to bite the dust and accept defeat in South 24-Parganas.

At one level it is a verdict against the CPM-led State Government'sindiscriminate and thoughtless policy of land acquisition for the sake of 'industrialisation'—this was a direct attack on the life and livelihood of the poor, that is, the peasantry in particular (whose interests the LF had in the eighties sought to protect, preserve and promote through 'Operation Barga'). But at the same time there was a direct assault on the citizens with the help of the hoodlums of the party in power, the harmad vahini in the case of Nandigram. People were mercilessly beaten up, massacred and women brutally gangraped. Tapasi Malik paid with her life in Singur, Narmada Shit and Radharani Ari were subjected to repeated sexual assault in Nandigram—they became the symbols of resistance to the fascist methods employed by the CPM to browbeat the people into submission.

After the March 14, 2007 attack in Nandigram it was written in these columns:
One lesson the CPM has yet to draw. March 14 has exposed the party's double-standards as never before. It still believes that it can get away with murder. But this time there is every possibility of the democratic forces of the State and the nation effectively intervening to thwart its nefarious game-plan. This is reflected in the widespread reaction from the side of intellectuals, writers, artists of every hue in West Bengal. Neither naked terror nor massacre of democracy can prevail in the killing fields of Nandigram.

Today the people of Nandigram and Singur have asserted their will to vindicate those words. We are indeed indebted to those courageous people who shed their blood to defend their freedom and human rights and in the process reinforce democracy in the country. They demonstrated their innate strength that does not submit to repression of any kind.

Nandigram and Singur have shown the way: totalitarian arrogance has had to bow before the will of the people. The significance of this development as we observe next week the fortyfourth death anniversary of Jawaharlal Nehru, the architect of modern India who strained every nerve to safeguard our democratic ethos, cannot be overemphasised.

May 22 S.C.
http://www.mainstreamweekly.net/article726.html

Security Trends South Asia » Naxalism » NAXALISM : POLITICS OF MILITANCY

Apr 30, 2008

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Naxal - Politico - Militancy to the Fore

Key Trends
Political assassinations, major strikes on police, disruption of civil order through bandhs, economic targets as railway tracks and power circuits in Chattisgarh, Bihar , Jharkhand and Orissa will be the focus on Naxal attacks.

Two major Naxal attacks in Chattisgarh during the month kill over 25 policemen, Maoists take advantage of poor response of the police and use sophisticated ambush techniques to cause heavy casualties.
In Jharkhand, Maoists threaten former Chief Minister Babu Lal Marandi indicating continuing trend of political assassinations.

Maoists attempt to penetrate SEZs by establishing presence in Nandigram and also exploit resistance to land acquisition in other areas.
Naxals supplement terror strikes with bandhs with two day bandh in Jharkhand and Bihar during the month. However limited disruption seen due to heavy police deployment, particularly along railway tracks.

Capacity building of police forces across the Naxal affected states continues to be poor. Thus despite reasonable deployment, seizure of initiative from the Maoists has not been feasible so far.
Naxals are surrendering in increasing numbers in Andhra Pradesh. However Maoist command is attempting to revive militancy and increase in number of violent incidents is expected over the next few months.

Political parties commence preparation for state elections in Chattisgarh in 2008, CPI fires first salvo with mobilizing people against the Lohandiguda (Tata) and Bhansi (Essar) steel plant. Mobilization of masses over transfer of land to big industries in vogue.

Activity Trend
Naxalites attack at will in their core areas, this was evident once again on 02 November when Maoist guerrillas ambushed a group of Chhattisgarh policemen walking to a police station to collect their salaries, and killed 11. The group of 21 men from the Chhattisgarh Armed Police and district police was on its way to the Pamed police station in Bijapur district from a nearby village Cherla on the state's border with Andhra Pradesh when it was surprised. The Maoists triggered a massive explosion and then indiscriminately fired on the policemen. Five of the policemen managed to escape to safety of the police station and report the ambush.

The strike was repeated at the end of the month, with an attack in Konta in Dantewada on 29 November killing twelve policemen. The large number of casualties could be attributed to the slackness shown by the police party which had piled up in a jeep without taking preliminary preparations for road opening.

The rising trend in Naxal activities in Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand was confirmed with the Home Minister, Mr Shivraj Patil telling the Rajya Sabha on 21 November that Naxal activities have increased by 40 and 50 per cent respectively. Patil indicated that the government is building up capacity for combating the problem by increasing the police strength and also inducting modern technology. But when this will fructify on the ground remains to be seen.

The CPI (Maoist), admitted that it is "motivating people and building up a resistance" against attacks by "armed CPM" cadres in Nandigram. CPI (Maoist) West Bengal State Committee secretary "Somen", in a statement released on 16 November, admitted that the outfit was ``standing by`` the villagers of Nandigram to resist attacks. "Our activists held a series of meetings with villagers to gain their trust. We camped in Nandigram for several months and stood by the people," Somen said. The ruling CPM had blamed Maoists for the Nandigram unrest following the seizure of detonators and other explosives at Garchakraberia, Sonachura and Satengabari villages. (Times of India Report). The Maoists are reported to have formed village protection groups and Matangini Mahila Samity, an organisation of women. Matangini Mahila Samity is trained to alert Maoist activists about any possible armed attack from Khejuri which is considered a CPI(M) stronghold.

An Economic Times report quoting a Maoist document states that "The current struggle at Nandigram is no longer confined to a battle against the CPI(M). This struggle is against the administration and the people of Nandigram want revenge. The revenge will be a violent one. Resistance against the armed CPI(M) cadres and the police must be an armed one." The ultra-Left forces want to take revenge on the police and CPI(M) cadres who reportedly killed 14 people at Nandigram on March 14.

Maoists held a two-day bandh in West Bengal, Bihar and Jharkhand on 19 and 20 November to protest against Nandigram killings. The Bandh was largely peaceful apart from disruption of rail traffic in Bihar as a portion of the railway track between Jamui and Bhalui stations in Danapur division was blown up on 19 November. Maoists also attempted to blow up an under construction shopping complex in Palamau district. Three rooms of the two-storeyed complex, belonging to the Krishi Bazar Samiti at Mouhatand village under Hussainabad police station, were completely damaged in the blast triggered by dynamite

There was also focus on political assassinations by the Maoists with brutal killing of a local leader in Purulia, West Bengal during the Bandh. The Maoists have indicated that former Chief Minister of Jharkhand, Babu Lal Marandi, whose son was killed in a strike recently, will remain a prominent target on the hit list. Munda on the other hand has vowed to fight the guerrillas to the finish.

The Orissa special task force arrested senior zonal commander of Maoists, Dhiren Da alias Mahru, at Chaura (Kasmar). Mahru is wanted by the police of six states for 16 years and has killed more than 106 persons, including two dozen policemen in 47 cases. He had been active in Jharkhand and Orissa in areas of Ranchi , Kisinda, Naktali Dual, Jujumura, Jamunkira, Charmal and Sambalpur.[Daily Telegraph Report].

State Response
With upsurge in Naxalite violence in Jharkhand, the Centre has stepped up pressure on the state to focus on jungle warfare to upgrade capacity building of state police. This is also intended to reduce dependence on Central forces. Chattisgarh has set up a jungle warfare training unit in Raipur, College of Counter-Terrorism & Jungle Warfare. The institute offers 45-day training for police officials in dealing with harsh conditions in the jungle and taking on the Naxalites. However, Jharkhand, Orissa and Bihar have not set up similar training facilities.

Jharkhand is facing dual problem of deteriorating law and order and extension of Naxal influence in the state. The Congress which is supporting the government has given an ultimatum of two months to the Chief Minister to improve the situation. The Jharkhand chief minister, Madhu Koda along with UPA steering committee chairman Shibu Soren, discussed the law and order scenario in all the 24 districts with home secretary Sudhir Tripathi and director-general of police Vishu Dayal Ram on 11 November and is said to have decided to revamp the administration. One of the first measures likely to be taken is to post police officers with proven track records and credentials as police chiefs of the district. (Daily Telegraph Report)

Re exploring the Roots of Naxalism
While much has been written about the root causes of Naxalism, another view may not be out of context. A report in the Frontline quoted the Planning Commission of India having made an independent assessment on the causes of Naxalism and had indicated eight reasons for the same: sale and transfer of land to other tribal people; indebtedness, causing sale of land for inconsequential amounts; eviction of tribal people by non-tribal people or government authorities; conversion of land from community ownership to individual ownership; treatment of tribal people as encroachers on forest land, their traditional source of livelihood; failure to give title deeds for government land distributed to tribal people but not possession deeds on them; environment-disturbing developments in tribal areas that force tribal people to move out; and large-scale displacement because of development projects such as multi-purpose irrigation projects, power plants, mining projects and urbanization.

( http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/stories/20071116501502400.htm).

A former police chief, D K Arya provides another view quoting police diaries of POTA cases pertaining to Jharkhand and indicates that most of the cases were from the lumpen category who had no ideological consideration and had joined the struggle on personal grounds either due to lack of vocation or seeking retribution. The middle and higher level leadership had made wealth out of their involvement in Naxalism and had surrendered to save themselves from disciplinary measures being taken by the Party.

Thus Naxals are able to make deep inroads where the population is primarily tribal, Dalit and landless living below the poverty line as per Arya who gives an example of Dandakaranya region of Chhattisgarh with an average tribal population of 65% (Dantewada 79%- Kanker 56%) with 98% living in rural areas. Thus all classic causes of an insurgency such as social, economic and political deprivation exist. These are supplemented by a vicious grip of landlordism, money lenders, police and government officials who exploit the masses.

This underlying deprivation is supplemented by lack of efforts by the state to extend the reach of development by systematic targeting of schools, government buildings and infra structure. The only way to combat Naxalism is by exposing the criminality of violence rather than attempting to defeat it ideologically. ( http://www.centralchronicle.com/20071030/3010302.htm)

Concluding Remarks
The Naxal strategy of extension of reach indicates that they would be making use of any alienation in the people particularly in urban areas or areas which are involved in SEZs, to maximize advantage of discord within the community. There were indications of Maoists having penetrated the Nandigram area for long time now and it is only recently that these have been confirmed. Similarly they are attempting to exploit disaffection in other areas where SEZs are being planned.

India`s counter Naxal struggle is caught up in a status quo as implementation lacks political as well as policing will. Thus while there is ample directions and policy statements execution has been quite poor. D K Arya feels that while Naxalism has been given top priority with the Prime Minister stating it as the biggest challenge before the state and a series of brain storming sessions having been undertaken in the recent past, the impact of these has been limited due to lack of a focused approach to tackle the insurgency spread across 14 states and over 150 districts. ( http://www.centralchronicle.com/20071030/3010302.htm)

Strong will developed by former Chief Minister of Jharkhand Babu Lal Marandi is essential to ensure that violence is brought under control. Thus there is a need to support this resolve which has only been strengthened by the personal tragedy of the former Chief Minister. However concomitant measures to beef up capability of the security establishment are essential to ensure that Naxal violence is checked. One of the key problems is lack of good governance both administrative and policing at the grass roots.

The Bihar-Jharkhand bandh by the Maoists has gone off relatively peacefully. However a major issue that emerges is vested interests that the Naxal movement seems to have developed with other fissiparous issues which need some attention. It is quite evident that this movement has taken up issues as Nandigram primarily to extend its influence over greater expanse of the country which is a dangerous trend. The political class has to ensure that the Naxals are denied an opportunity for exploiting such weaknesses by dividing them in the future.

There are no easy options in countering Naxalism. Counter Naxal strategies would have to take concurrent measures to prevent deprivation of the masses at the grass roots of the means of their livelihood without creating effective alternatives. This could be in the form of equivalent compensation of land in terms of value, assured job or training to develop attendant skills. At the same time capacity building of the police is essential to tackle the violent part of the struggle. This will have to be supplemented by effective and clean governance devoid of corruption, political graft and equity of opportunity.

http://www.security-risks.com/security-trends-south-asia/naxalism/naxalism-:-politics-of-militancy-212.html

Sexual Violence in Adivasi Inhabited Regions: Assault of an Adivasi Woman by Orissa Security Personnel in Gajapati District

April 15, 2011

Below, we select the Background and Conclusions from a Fact Finding Report by Women Against Sexual Violence and State Repression (WSS). This report sheds light on the general nature of sexual violence inflicted upon the Adivasi inhabited areas of East-Central India, and the challenges faced by these communities - Ed.

An allegation of rape of an adivasi woman by security and police forces was brought to the notice of WSS by local activists who had been approached by the survivor's father. The incident is said to have taken place on February 12, 2010 in Gajapati district in Orissa, but local activists came to know about it in August. The arrest and rape of this woman has largely gone unreported, providing impetus for the present investigation. An all-India four-woman fact finding team went to Gajapati district in Orissa on September 30 to October 1 2010 to investigate the alleged rape.

Click here to read full WSS report [PDF, English] »

Background

Sexual violence against women has become a regular feature in the context of sustained and unchecked state repression across all states in India today. Areas of the North East and Kashmir where the Indian army has been deployed for several decades, have witnessed numerous instances of custodial rape, sexual violence, indiscriminate arrests, torture and killings. In the rape and murder cases of Manorama in Manipur, and Nilofer and Asiya Jan at Shopian, justice has been mocked in spite of remarkable mass movements. Mass protests against sexual violence during police raids have led to severe backlash. Even fact finding groups of women seeking to investigate these incidents have not been spared.

In the Adivasi inhabited areas of Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, Orissa, West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra, the offensive launched by the Government of India in the name of curbing 'Maoism' and ushering in 'development' has also been accompanied by rampant sexual violence by armed forces as well as by other state-protected vigilante groups and private armies. In addition to encounter killings and arbitrary arrests of activists, sexual violence against women has become integrated into combing operations of state forces in these areas.

Armed offensive has proven to be no solution to any situation of unrest. Although the use of force for more than half a century has not brought peace or development to the people of Kashmir or the North East, the state continues to justify its armed offensives including Operation Green Hunt in Adivasi areas as a way of "restoring democracy." Sexually assaulted women on the other hand, are denied their democratic right to even lodge complaints against the state forces and/or other perpetrators.

Extra juridical violence of the state continues to be supported by draconian laws such as AFSPA, Disturbed Areas Act (DSA), Chhattisgarh Special Public Security Act (CSPSA), Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), National Security Act (NSA) and National Investigative Agency Act (NIA). These laws have vested enormous and arbitrary power with the police and the military, with the impunity to jail, torture and kill and suppress the peoples' resistance against land acquisition and privatization of other resources as seen in the Operation Green Hunt areas. While the armed offensives are ostensibly presented as combating insurgency and/or left-wing extremism the state is actually facilitating mining and other corporate grab of land and other resources. A "cleanse" of the indigenous populations of the area is also part of the state agenda in some states. Women, who have been at the forefront of democratic movements in these areas, have borne the brunt of the violence and even youth have not been spared.

In August 2010, we were informed that a young adivasi girl had been arrested from a village in Gajapati district on the grounds of being involved in naxalite activities. She had been allegedly raped by the security forces on the way to the police station, and no report had still been filed on that. Given the continuous combing operations in Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Orissa and especially in the southern parts of Orissa, we felt there was a dire need to investigate.

News of women being subjected to sexual assault with the advent of Operation Green Hunt that commenced from November 2009 was beginning to come in. However, we need to see this solitary case in Orissa in the context of two developments that WSS is concerned with. Sexual assault against women predates Operation Green Hunt as we have been attempting to document cases of sexual assault in Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh where six women have been finally able to lodge FIRs. On the other hand, this incident in Gajapati district too seemed to fall in the so called "red corridor" that was targeted as part of deployed paramilitary offensive against Naxalites by the Home Ministry. Nothing seemed new except the concentrated effort of the Home Ministry and the free hand it seems to have given to the police and paramilitary in these regions.

Resistance by adivasi communities has been going strong since many years against the forcible taking over of land, mineral and mining resources that continues to be the mainstay of the people in terms of both habitat and livelihood. The announcing of the Operation Green Hunt gave legitimacy to untold repression in Narayanpatna, Raygada and Niyamagiri. Repression in Jagatsinghpur and Kalinganagar reached new heights in the beginning of 2010 as people gave a tough fight too. Areas close to Andhra Pradesh were being brought under scrutiny over and over again. People's daily lives and movement, livelihood and daily activities have all been disrupted in this purging of Naxalites. The war ensuing in Orissa against the Naxalites is a war against itspeople and its resources. Gajapati is one of the most vulnerable districts of this backward state and the incident covered here indicates the extent of repression and daily torture the village people face from the police and paramilitary.

Conclusions

People in these areas are being picked up continuously

The fact finding team found that there were many people who have been detained for allegedly Naxal activities. There would be a very small proportion of people in the whole area who would not have directly been embroiled in some case, or whose family member would not have been accused. There are people continuously being harassed by security forces, and timely interventions by a mass of villagers is the only way by which they would have been able to save themselves. This case also points out the randomness in picking-up people and the complete failure of legal procedures to protect innocent people from this kind of harassment.

Absence of procedures of Juvenile Justice Act at times of pick-up of juveniles

Along with the adults, there are many juveniles that are being picked up in these areas, and being presented as hardcore naxalites. These adolescents are undergoing similar torture and provisions within the Juvenile Justice Board have not been followed at the times of arrest, detention or jail remand. The children arrested are commonly presented as over-age in order to bypass the law.

Safety of women prisoners

Guidelines for arrest of women are being clearly flouted, with arrest or detention happening before sunrise, absence of women constables, not providing an arrest memo and not bringing a witness from the family at the time of the arrest. There is also no procedure for proper medical examination of the arrested before they meet the magistrate or of questioning by the magistrate to ensure that the accused has not been subjected to torture or sexual assault.

Disregard of a tribal woman in the eyes of the administration and senior police

There has been no response on this case from the senior officials in the administration and police. The incident does not seem to have perturbed anybody. Further, the message that the security forces are putting their lives in peril given the threat they feel from the Maoists and are above such incidents of sexual violence was put forth. The fact that the SP and the administration have not taken any action on the incident shows that there is little regard for the plight of a marginalized adivasi woman. The custodial gang rape of an adivasi woman is a serious issue and it warranted that the SP took immediate action to at least institute an investigation and file FIR based on the complaint filed by the woman. Failing to do so, on the grounds that he was not directly approached by the family of the woman, shows a complete disregard of the concerns of the tribal woman, and the thought that the tribal woman does not have any identity and personhood to be considered. For the marginalized communities in these areas, the image of the police and security forces is definitely not of a 'saviour' or 'protector', rather it is that of one to be feared.

Responsibility of jail authorities

Callousness permeates the perception of jail authorities towards custodial violence. Incidents of sexual assault in custody would come out in the open more promptly if protection mechanisms were put in place at the jail. The woman in question had no one speak to her in an assuring or sensitive manner in judicial custody. The rule that a police detainee should be produced in court within 24 hours, and a jail remanded person at least once in 15 days is an opportunity for people to voice their complaints. This rule was not followed, giving little opportunity for the rape to become known. The onus of 'complaining' and finding the courage to do so falls on the persecuted herself, whereas the system is neither taking notice nor any stance on the ills within it. The jailer jail assistant, and pharmacist were nonchalant about the physical abuse of under-trials by the police, and felt they didn't need to stick their head out in these cases; they were clear that their job is 'medical treatment; and not 'justice or prevention'.

Intimidating the woman, witnesses, and other people

A sense of fear and the fact that it is always a risk to complain against the police and jail authorities is strongly affecting the course of the case in question. The woman could not speak about the incident of sexual harassment in the jail- to either elaborate on it or discuss how it had come up in the petition and why other people had brought it up -but had to simply deny its occurrence and not open up a discussion on anything of this nature.

Her brothers and other possible witnesses to the incident of rape have their lives at stake, and are therefore not speaking up. The lawyer also senses that he is likely to be trapped in some serious allegation because of his relentless stand of defending the villagers accused as Naxals in court. After supporting this woman, the Sarpanch and Panchayat Samiti members are also being harassed, and have consciously withdrawn from being identified with the family in the police circles.

Insecurity of women in the villages

There is a threat on the security and life of women with the onslaught of combing operations and raids in the interior villages of the forests. These forces have become a threat to the ways of existence and survival of the people in their own traditional lands. Several incidents of women being picked up, beaten and/or sexually assaulted came up in the discussions. It was not possible for this fact finding team to further explore these links in this trip, but it did give an idea that there have been other such assaults on women in the area, with no response from the administration.

Need to have different provisions for proving custodial violence in sensitive areas

It is not easy for women in custody to report violence faced by them from those in power. The environment in these sensitive areas compounds the situation, and women are only able to bring their complaints with a lot of fear for themselves and their families. It is also difficult to go back for justice to the same agency that has been the perpetrator. In this case, the accused were part of the forces at Adava P.S.; there was an insensitive response even from the SP for the mere reason that the person had been arrested under charges of Naxal activities, leaving the family with little hope of justice from here.

It is unlikely to find corroborative evidence - either eye-witnesses or a medical examination. The eye-witnesses are either part of the forces who have committed the crime, or are the ones who are being picked up and repressed in the name of curbing Maoist violence. Therefore, to expect 'evidence' in these areas is difficult. Legally, the incident of rape does not have to take place only inside the thana premises to be considered a 'custodial rape' because the entire region becomes a place of consciously exerting state control and power. The woman in question was enroute and in direct custody of the police and security forces, and therefore the responsibility of the state.

Under-trials in general and in Maoist cases

Undertrials continue to languish in jails for extended time-periods. The trials are very slow, with no evidence against the people, besides statement under Section 161, which is often forced. Also, under-trials are not brought in the court, and many formalities are not followed. In the case of so-called Maoist under-trials, the impression that we got was that the situation was even worse. People in Maoist cases are picked up and presented in court usually on weekends or in the evening or night hours, and they don't get a chance to meet the Magistrate, as the papers are signed in private spaces and not the courtrooms. This is an issue that needs to be further understood.

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Women against Sexual Violence and State Repression (WSS) is a non funded effort started in November 2009, to put an end to the violence being perpetrated upon our bodies and societies. We are a nationwide network of women from diverse political and social movements comprising of women's organizations, mass organizations, civil liberty organizations, student and youth organizations, mass movements and individuals. We unequivocally condemn state repression and sexual violence on our women and girls by any perpetrator(s).

Email: againstsexualviolence [at] gmail [dot] com

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Fact-Finding Team Members
Pramodini Pradhan
PUCL, Bhubaneswar
Anuradha Talwar
Shramajibee Mahila Samity, Kolkatta
Shivani Taneja
Madhya Pradesh Mahila Manch, Bhopal
Anuradha Kavuri
Human Rights Forum, Vishakhapatnam
http://sanhati.com/excerpted/3455/

IPT on Land Acquisition, Resource Grab, and Operation Green Hunt - Resource documents

October 25, 2010

The Independent People's Tribunal (IPT) on Land Acquisition, Resource Grab, and Operation Green Hunt was organized in New Delhi from April 9 to 11, 2010 by a collective of civil society groups, social movements, progressive academics, social activists, and concerned citizens. The IPT heard accounts of diverse grass-roots activists from the states of Chhattisgarh, Orissa, West Bengal, and Jharkhand, the theater of an insidious war — nicknamed Operation Green Hunt (OGH) — that the Indian State has launched against its own people. Supplementing activist accounts and testimonies of witnesses with critical insights and advice of social scientists, journalists, legal experts, former government functionaries, and human rights activists, the people's jury of the IPT made its opinion known through its interim observations and recommendations, the most urgent of which was to stop OGH and initiate a process of dialogue with the local population in the affected areas. Other recommendations included: immediately stopping all compulsory acquisition of agricultural or forest land and the forced displacement of the tribal people; making the details of all the memorandum of understanding (MOUs) signed for mining, mineral, and power projects known to the public; stop victimizing and harassing dissenters of the government's policies; withdraw all paramilitary and police forces from schools and hospitals; constitute an Empowered Citizen's Commission to investigate and recommend action against persons responsible for human rights violations of the tribal communities.

The recommendations of the jury and the countless accounts of activists provide a much-needed alternative perspective on Indian economic growth and development. While the national and international media talk profusely about the unprecedented growth of the Indian economy, as measured by growth of the gross domestic product, it ignores the distributional implications of that growth process and wilfully shies away from looking at the underlying costs of that growth: increasing inequality, forced displacement, dispossession of the most vulnerable sections of society, growing social tensions, and a rapidly growing State terror. The IPT, by giving space to different activist voices from the grass-roots, offers a view of the stinking underbelly of Indian growth.

In trying to facilitate the wider dissemination of the discussions at the IPT, Sanhati has decided to host the background documents and papers and other material presented at the IPT on its website. By hosting these important documents of the emerging peoples' movement in India, we join participants at the IPT in hoping that these grass-roots accounts of oppression and resistance, and critical analysis of social and economic processes will trigger a much needed debate on broader questions of social transformation in India.

List of documents -

1. Don't Mine Us Out of Existence - Amnesty Report

2. Salwa Judum: Civil War in Chattisgarh - a CPJC publication

3. Adivasis of Chhattisgarh - an ACHR report

4. Preliminary findings and observations on human rights situation in Chattisgarh - IAPL Report

5. Halting The Mining Juggernaut - A PUDR publication on Alumina mining in Orissa

6. Government, Vigilante, and Naxalite Abuses in India's Chhattisgarh State - a HRW Report

7. Death, Displacement & Deprivation: The War in Dantewara - a report by HRF

8. An appeal for peace and solidarity - Dalit Mukti Morcha

9. Writ Petition (Civil) of 2007, Kartam Joga and Ors versus State of Chattisgarh, Union of India

10. Forced acceptance of MOUs - a letter from Pravin Patel

11. Writ Petition (Civil) No. 250 of 2007: Nandini Sundar, Ramachandra Guha, E.A.S Sarma vs. State of Chattisgarh

12. Salwa Judum and Violence on Women in Dantewada - Report by All India Women's Team, published by CAVOW

13. MoUs in Chhattisgarh - Compiled from state government websites. Source: Ramnath Bhat and Shruthi Chandrashekaran

14. War in the Heart of India: An Enquiry into the Ground Situation in Dantewara - an Independent Citizens Initiative report

15. Comprehensive rehabilitation plan for Dantewada and Bijapur districts - Prepared by the petitioners in WP (Civil) 250/2007 and WP (Criminal) 19/2007 in pursuance of the Honourable Supreme Court's directions of 18.2.2010

16. Vedanta's diversion of forest land in Orissa - a site inspection report by Usha Ramanathan, J. K. Tewari and Vinod RIshi

17. Police Firing at Kalinganagar - a PUCL report

18. Chattisgarh enquiry report - NHRC (Investigation Division)

19. Narayanpatna police firing on CMAS activists - Fact finding report by K Sudhakar Patnaik, Manoranjan Routray, and Sharanya.

20. Afterword - Subalterns and sovereigns - Nandini Sundar

21. Pleading for Justice - Nandini Sundar

22. New framework sustainable mining - Mukul Sharma

23. Memorandum to Governor of Chattisgarh - Tribal Welfare Society

24. Striking while the iron is hot : POSCO case study - Manshi Asher

25. Massacre Of Adivasis at Kalinga Nagar - A fact finding report of JOHAR and JMACC.

26. The Ugly Face of Law Keepers - Rapes by Police and Security Forces Rise - HRCM report

27. Coal Sector Loans and Displacement of Indigenous Populations - Lesson from Jharkhand - Tony Herbert and Kuntala Lahiri-Dutt

28. Vedanta's operations in Lanjigarh - a CEC report

29. State-sponsored lawlessness at Narayanpatna - Javed Iqbal

http://sanhati.com/articles/2876/

7 MAY, 2011, 04.02AM IST, DEVIKA BANERJI,

Labour reform slips out of list as India Inc has greater worries

NEW DELHI: Archaic labour laws are not affecting India's manufacturing sector as much as problems related to land, water, licences and clearances, a government panel's study shows.

With the findings of the Planning Commission study, changing rigid labour laws, so far suspected to be the main hurdle before the manufacturing sector, is likely to drop on the government's list of priorities. The sector contributes 15% to India's GDP.

"Against popular perception, we have found that archaic and rigid labour laws are not among the top three problems faced by the manufacturing sector," a Planning Commission official said.

The report is a conclusion of surveys conducted by the commission ahead of the formulation the 12th Five-year Plan to identify issues hampering growth of the manufacturing sector.

The 12th Plan begins in 2012. The commission has formed 10 working groups to help in effective policy-making for the plan period. The working groups, which will look into various issues including labour reforms, are expected to submit their reports by November.

The report says that high transaction costs because of multifarious clearance and licence norms, availability of land and water, and environment clearances are bleeding the manufacturing sector more than old labour laws. To address the concerns of companies, one working group will explore the possibility of having single-window clearances for building manufacturing plants. At present, an average of 20 clearances are required.

On labour management and laws, the report says that most companies are recruiting labour on contract, besides providing conducive work environment and better benefits. Another reason cited for the smaller role of labour laws is the increasing contribution of technology in manufacturing.

"Labour constitutes only 10 % of a manufacturing plant, 90% are other components. Therefore, industries have such a perspective.

There is increased mechanisation, and that is necessarily not in the interest of the country," said Ravi Wig , president of the Employers Federation of India . Labour reforms would continue to be important, Wig added. For the industry too, labour reforms continue to be as important as the setting up of a single-window clearance system.

"Both are required, one for setting a plant and the other for running it smoothly," said BP Pant, head of labour, employment and skills development department in the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry.

Pant said labour laws are tilted towards workers and do not facilitate job creation, or cater to the evolving needs of the consumer-centric manufacturing and services sectors.

However, the Planning Commission official said a greater responsibility lay with the companies. "There are things beyond laws."

The Planning Commission's approach paper to the 12th Plan has stated the need to create 100 million jobs by 2020-25, which will help raise the manufacturing sector's contribution to the GDP to 25 %.

Another working group of the commission will identify ways to make manufacturing competitive and quality conscious.

"All this is intended to create jobs, and therefore, new labour laws are essential for a smooth sail. What our study shows is that companies and states have found an alternative way through effective industrial relations management," the official added.

Labour law reforms are part of the draft manufacturing policy prepared by the industry ministry and the national strategy for manufacturing prepared by the National Manufacturing Competitiveness Council .

How to get your own unique identity number

Slideshow
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Text courtesy: IANS

With a mammoth exercise on to issue an Aadhar number to each of India's 1.2 billion citizens and interested residents, here is a look at the process involved for getting what will become a unique identity for people in India to access all public or private services.

The Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) - under the chairmanship of Nandan Nilekani - is the nodal agency, which had appointed registrars across the country to facilitate the enrolment process.

Nilekani was one of the co-founders and previously headed IT bellwether Infosys. He enjoys cabinet rank in his present status.

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/quickiearticleshow/8197161.cms
People in News

$1-mn house that 'Bhai' wants in Gurgaon
A real estate agent in Gurgaon got a call this week, asking for a home that's valued at least at a million US dollars.

জমি আন্দোলনে উত্তাল নয়ডায় হত তিন

পণবন্দিদের ছাড়াতে গিয়ে আক্রান্ত পুলিশ, দু'পক্ষে গুলিযুদ্ধ

নিজস্ব সংবাদদাতা • নয়াদিল্লি

জমি আন্দোলনকে হাতিয়ার করে পশ্চিমবঙ্গে যখন 'পরিবর্তনের ঝড়' তুলেছেন তৃণমূল নেত্রী মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়, ঠিক তখনই অধিগ্রহণ প্রশ্নে উত্তাল হয়ে উঠল উত্তরপ্রদেশ। ঘটনাচক্রে সেই রাজ্যেও নির্বাচন শিয়রে। এবং স্বাভাবিক ভাবেই আজকের ঘটনাকে কেন্দ্র করে মুখ্যমন্ত্রী মায়াবতীর বিরুদ্ধে আসরে নেমে পড়ছেন তাঁর বিরোধীরা।
শনিবারের ঘটনার কেন্দ্রস্থল খাস রাজধানী দিল্লির উপকণ্ঠ গ্রেটার নয়ড়া। আন্দোলনরত কৃষকদের সঙ্গে সংঘর্ষে সেখানে আজ দুই পুলিশের মৃত্যু হয়েছে। মারা গিয়েছেন এক জন গ্রামবাসীও। আহত হয়েছেন জেলাশাসক ও পুলিশ সুপার-সহ অনেক সরকারি কর্মচারী। আন্দোলনকারীদের তরফেও জখমের সংখ্যা কম নয়।
যমুনা এক্সপ্রেসওয়ে নির্মাণের জন্য যে দরে জমি নিচ্ছে উত্তরপ্রদেশ সরকার তার প্রতিবাদে গত কয়েক মাস ধরেই ধর্না চালাচ্ছেন গৌতম বুদ্ধ নগর জেলার চাষিরা। গত কাল নতুন বাস রুট চালু করার ব্যাপারে খোঁজখরব নিতে গেলে উত্তরপ্রদেশ রোডওয়েজের তিন কর্মচারীকে আটক করে রাখেন ভাট্টা পারসৌল গ্রামের বাসিন্দারা। পুলিশ, দাঙ্গা-বিরোধী বাহিনী এবং প্রভিন্সিয়াল আর্মড কনস্টিব্যুলারির (পিএসি) জওয়ানরা আজ তাঁদের উদ্ধার করতে গেলে গ্রামবাসীরা বাধা দেন। শুরু হয় সংঘর্ষ। নিরাপত্তা বাহিনী কাঁদানে গ্যাস ছুড়লে আন্দোলনকারীরা লাঠিসোঁটা এবং পাথর নিয়ে পাল্টা আক্রমণ চালান। উত্তেজিত জনতাকে ছত্রভঙ্গ করতে পুলিশ শূন্যে গুলি ছুড়লে তারাও পাল্টা গুলি চালায়। সংঘর্ষ চলে বেশ কয়েক ঘণ্টা।

গৌতম বুদ্ধ নগরের গুলিবিদ্ধ জেলাশাসক দীপক অগ্রবালকে

(ডান দিকে) সরিয়ে নিয়ে যাচ্ছে পুলিশ। — পি টি আই

আন্দোলনকারীদের আক্রমণে আহত হন পিএসি-র দুই জওয়ান। হাসপাতালে নিয়ে গেলে তাঁদের মৃত বলে ঘোষণা করা হয়। তাঁদের শরীরে গুলির আঘাত রয়েছে বলে হাসপাতাল সূত্রে জানা গিয়েছে।
আহত হয়েছেন গৌতম বুদ্ধ নগরের জেলাশাসক দীপক অগ্রবাল। তাঁর পায়ে গুলি লেগেছে। জেলার বরিষ্ঠ পুলিশ সুপার সূর্যনাথ সিংহও পাথরের ঘায়ে আহত। দু'জনেই আইসিইউ-তে চিকিৎসাধীন। এঁরা ছাড়াও দু'জন ডেপুটি সুপার, এক জন ম্যাজিষ্ট্রেট এবং পাঁচ জন পিএসি জওয়ান আহত হয়েছেন। তবে গ্রামবাসীদের হাতে বন্দি উত্তরপ্রদেশ রোডওয়েজের এক ড্রাইভার ও অন্য দুই কর্মচারীকে শেষ পর্যন্ত উদ্ধার করা গিয়েছে বলে খবর।
গ্রেটার নয়ডা থেকে আগরা পর্যন্ত ১৬০ কিলোমিটার দীর্ঘ ৬ লেনের যমুনা এক্সপ্রেসওয়ে তৈরির পরিকল্পনা করেছে উত্তরপ্রদেশের মায়াবতী সরকার। এই প্রকল্পের জন্য অধিগৃহীত প্রতি বর্গমিটার জমির দাম দেওয়া হচ্ছে ৮৮০ টাকা। কিন্তু আরও বেশি ক্ষতিপূরণের দাবিতে জানুয়ারি মাসের ১৭ তারিখ থেকে আন্দোলন করছেন গৌতম বুদ্ধ নগর জেলার চাষিরা। তাঁদের দাবি বর্গমিটার পিছু ৩০০০ টাকা করে দিতে হবে। সেই সঙ্গে বিকল্প জমি ও চাকরি। চাষিদের অভিযোগ, সরকার তাঁদের সামান্য ক্ষতিপূরণ দিয়েছে। অথচ যে বেসরকারি সংস্থা এই প্রকল্প করছে, অনেক বেশি দাম নিয়ে তাদের সেই জমি বিক্রি করা হয়েছে। এই বাড়তি আয়ের আশি শতাংশ দাবি করছেন আন্দোলনকারীরা। সঙ্গে রয়েছে প্রকল্পের জমির ২৫ শতাংশ জমিদাতা চাষিদের ব্যবহারের জন্য সংরক্ষিত রাখার দাবিও।
অন্য দিকে উত্তরপ্রদেশ সরকারের বক্তব্য, কৃষকদের ইতিমধ্যেই যথেষ্ট ক্ষতিপূরণ দেওয়া হয়েছে। তবু কিছু কায়েমি স্বার্থ তাঁদের বিভ্রান্ত করে প্রশাসনের উপরে চাপ বাড়াচ্ছে। চাষিদের দাবি 'অযৌক্তিক' হলেও আলোচনার মাধ্যমে সমস্যা মেটানোর ডাক দেওয়া হয়েছিল। কিন্তু আন্দোলনকারীরা তাতে কর্ণপাত করেননি। উল্টে পরিবহণ কর্মীদের পণবন্দি করে রেখেছেন। প্রশাসনের অভিযোগ, এর আগেও সরকারি-বেসরকারি বেশ কিছু কর্মীকে এই ভাবে পণবন্দি করে রাখা হয়েছিল। আজ তিন পণবন্দিকে উদ্ধারে যাওয়া পুলিশের উপরে আন্দোলনকারীরাই প্রথম গুলি চালান বলে মায়াবতী সরকারের অভিযোগ।
আজকের ঘটনা এক দিকে যেমন এ দেশে জমি আন্দোলনে নতুন মাত্রা জুড়েছে, তেমনই একে কেন্দ্র করে স্বাভাবিক ভাবেই শুরু হয়ে গিয়েছে রাজনৈতিক চাপানউতোর। তার একটা কারণ অবশ্যই উত্তরপ্রদেশে আসন্ন বিধানসভা নির্বাচন। পাঁচ রাজ্যের ভোটপর্ব শেষ হলেই উত্তরপ্রদেশের ময়দানে ঝাঁপিয়ে পড়তে উদগ্রীব রাজনৈতিক দলগুলি। এই অবস্থায় গ্রেটার নয়ডার জমি আন্দোলন মায়াবতীর বিরোধীদের হাতে নতুন অস্ত্র তুলে দিল। উত্তরপ্রদেশ প্রদেশ কংগ্রেস সভানেত্রী রীতা বহুগুণা জোশী মুখ্যমন্ত্রীর তীব্র সমালোচনা করে বলেছেন, "মায়াবতীর নিজের জেলাতেই নামমাত্র দাম দিয়ে চাষিদের জমি কেড়ে নেওয়া হচ্ছে। প্রতিবাদ করলে তাদের গুলি করে মারা হচ্ছে। এটা ডাকাতদের সরকার, জমি লুঠ করা যার অন্যতম পছন্দের বিনোদন। মায়াবতীর উপরে রাজ্যের মানুষের আর বিন্দুমাত্র আস্থা নেই।"
ময়দানে নেমে পড়েছে বিজেপি-ও। তবে মায়াবতীর পাশাপাশি তাদের লক্ষ্য কংগ্রেসও। বিজেপি-র রাজ্য সভাপতি সূর্যপ্রতাপ শাহির অভিযোগ, এক বেসরকারি সংস্থাকে সুবিধা পাইয়ে দিতেই কৃষকদের কম ক্ষতিপূরণ দেওয়া হয়েছে। এই সংস্থায় রয়েছেন কমনওয়েলথ-কাণ্ডে ধৃত, সাসপেণ্ড হওয়া কংগ্রেস নেতা সুরেশ কলমডীর ছেলে ও জামাই।
ঘটনার উপরে নজর রাখছে কেন্দ্রীয় সরকার। মনমোহন সিংহ সরকারের এক শীর্ষ সদস্যের মতে, গ্রেটার নয়ডার আজকের ঘটনা নতুন নয়। এর আগেও সাত বার সেখানে পুলিশ ও কৃষকদের মধ্যে সংঘর্ষ হয়েছে।এই ধরনের ঘটনা এড়াতেই শতাব্দী-প্রাচীন জমি অধিগ্রহণ আইন পাল্টাতে চায় কেন্দ্র। কিন্তু সেই বিলের খসড়া তৈরি হয়ে গেলেও মূলত তৃণমূল নেত্রী মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়ের আপত্তিতেই তা আটকে রয়েছে। বেসরকারি সংস্থার জন্য জমি অধিগ্রহণে সরকারের ভূমিকা কী হবে, তা নিয়েই প্রশ্ন তুলেছেন তিনি। মমতার দাবি, এ ক্ষেত্রে সরকার এক ছটাকও জমি নিতে পারবে না। কিন্তু জমি আন্দোলনের 'জোরে' মমতা যখন পশ্চিমবঙ্গে ক্ষমতা দখলের আশা করছেন, তখন সময়োপযোগী আইনের অভাবে দেশের অন্যত্র জমি অধিগ্রহণ প্রক্রিয়া মসৃণ করা যাচ্ছে না বলেই কেন্দ্রীয় সরকারের একাংশের অভিমত। এই পরিস্থিতিতে বিজেপি আজ দাবি তুলেছে, জোটধর্মের বাধ্যবাধকতায় আটকে না-থেকে সরকারের উচিত বিলটি দ্রুত সংসদে পেশ করা।

http://anandabazar-unicode.appspot.com/proxy?p=8desh1.htm
Nandan Nilekani acquires stake in Dhanlaxmi Bank
Nandan Nilekani , Infosys' co-founder and chairman of Unique Identification Authority of India (UIADI), has acquired over one per cent in private sector lender Dhanlaxmi Bank.

He took over the reins of UIADI in 2009 and had resigned as the CEO of the country's largest software exporter Infosys in 2007.

According to the information available with Bombay Stock Exchange, Nilekani holds 9,93,827 shares in the bank which translates into 1.17 per cent stake as on March 31, 2011.

Dhanlaxmi Bank is among the banks in the country which does not have any domestic or foreign promoters.

Apart from Nilekani, there are 22 shareholders which hold stakes between 1 and 7 per cent in the Kerala-based bank.

Nilekani and his family, which currently holds 3.44 per cent stake in Infosys, is the second largest promoter in the software firm after the company's mentor N R Narayana Murthy and his family.

Nilekani served as the CEO of the company from 2002 to 2007, when he relinquished his position to his colleague Kris Gopalakrishnan, becoming Co-Chairman. He left Infosys in 2009 to serve as the chairperson of the UIADI, in the rank of a cabinet minister under invitation from the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.
India to have network of strategic roads by 2013
Against the backdrop of Chinese infrastructure build-up along the Sino-Indian border, a senior military official today said India would develop a network of strategic roads in the North-East and Ladakh region by 2013.

"By 2013 we would be able to complete work on bulk of the roads. There can not be a deadline for the last road as there are some very tough nuts to crack and we are trying to find the solution," Border Roads Organization (BRO) Director General Lt Gen S Ravi Shankar told reporters here.

About 63 per cent of work on 27 roads in Arunachal Pradesh and 12 in Ladakh are complete, he said, adding that these are high priority roads closely monitored at the highest levels.

On whether environment clearances were creating obstacles in construction of these roads, Shankar said, "We need to take forest clearance in some areas to widen roads or to construct roads in Gangtok (Sikkim) region. The local government has been helpful in sorting out these problems."

He said the BRO has been undergoing a restructuring process since 2007 and has purchased equipment worth Rs 200 crore. Orders for equipment worth another Rs 166 crore will materialize in the next two to three years, he added.

With the help of improved equipment, BRO is now able to construct five kilometers of roads and nine metres of bridges every day.

"We are responsible for maintenance of 15,000 kilometers of roads in border areas. We have also built 19 airfields and 36 kilometers of bridges on these important roads," he said.

BRO has also constructed roads in Bhutan, Mayanmar, Afghanistan and recently built a runway in Tajikistan.

This year the organization received a budget of Rs 5000 crore which it would be using to purchase state-of-the-art machines to negotiate roads in mountains and rugged hilly terrain, he said.

Discussion on alternatives of Endosulfan on: ICAR
SHILLONG: Indian Council of Agricultural Research director general S Ayyappan today said the controversial Endosulfan pesticide had no "residual affects".

"From our side it is clear. It is an ideal pesticide. There is no residual affect," Ayyappan said here.

"But there could be different situations in which it is being used or different crops on which it can be used without proper guidance or advisory," he said, adding, 'concerns could be raised then'.

When pointed to the concerns in Kerala, ICAR DG said, "We are discussing and providing technical back-up."

He said everyday new molecules were being developed and old ones phased out.

"People are bringing alternatives everyday. DDT was there yesterday, today it is not. If we get a new alternative, nobody is dogmatic that we want to hold on to the same thing. We are in discussion. New formulations are coming in," he said when asked about the demands to ban the pesticide.

Kerala has been pressing for a nationwide ban on Endosulfan as studies by experts had shown that its use in northern Kasaragod district had caused nearly 500 deaths and chronic health problems to hundreds.

The Supreme Court on May 2 had sought response from the Centre on a petition seeking ban on Endosulfan across the country.

Rejecting suggestions that Government was against a ban on Endosulfan, Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh had said recently that the country could phase out the pesticide before the 11-year time-frame agreed at Stockholm Convention if a cost-effective alternative is found.
5 MAY, 2011, 12.58AM IST, DEVIKA BANERJI & VIRAJ DESAI,ET BUREAU

Road contractors to follow BOT model; bigger developers to benefit

NEW DELHI: Concerned over the high cost and quality, the government has decided highways should be built only through arrangements that create long-term stake for builders.

An empowered group of ministers on infrastructure has decided that 95% of road projects awarded in the current year should be through build -operate- transfer (BOT) model to ensure the builder is engaged with the projects for many years.

EPC (engineering, procurement and contract) deals, where developers build roads for the government for a payment after which their engagement ends, will be limited to 5% of the projects.

"The EGoM has decided the financing plan for this year's road projects and it seems to be in the right direction," planning commission member BK Chaturvedi told ET. The policy shift will benefit the bigger developers because the smaller ones will lack the financial muscle to take on BOT and annuity projects.

The returns for the BOT projects could come through tolling of roads or annuity payments from the government, but the government is keener on the self-funding toll model.

The government is worried about annuity payments becoming a big drag on the budget in the recent years and is even considering a cap on such payments.

Within the BOT projects proposed to be executed in partnership with the private sector, 60% will be toll-based while 35% will compensate the developer through annuity payments by the government.

The project break last year was 15% for EPC and 85% for BOT - 65% toll and 20% annuity.

"Currently, there are many problems in the EPC model and the cost escalations are too huge and are not acceptable. We need to work on the EPC policy," Chaturvedi added.

In the current EPC model, a contractor builds the road and if the cost estimates and design of the project changes midway, the government covers the costs. The current model also does not mandate the contractor to maintain the road.

Independent experts have also endorsed the idea, but feel in certain cases such as naxal-affected areas EPC model will make more sense because of security reasons and inability to toll roads.

"From a national point of view, toll and annuity should be given more focus," said Vinayak Chatterjee, chairman, Feedback Ventures.

Fiscal constraint may end up increasing the share of toll based rates even further. Last year, the finance ministry had capped annuity payments of the National Highways Authorities of India at Rs 8,500 crore from Rs 18,000 crore earlier.

"Our major thrust is on BOT toll projects," said an official in the NHAI.

"Last year, there were hardly any EPC projects and only a few projects that were terminated earlier had to be done through this model," he said.

Another official added that despite the financing break up suggesting 15% of EPC projects in 2010-11, around 80% of the projects awarded were on BOT toll model in 2010-11 and rest on annuity. NHAI hopes to do an equivalent or more toll-based BOT projects in the current year.

"The idea behind the financial plan is that all our money does not get locked up in annuities and that we have balance among the various modes of awarding contracts," Chaturvedi said.

8 MAY, 2011, 04.48PM IST,REUTERS

India tops sales focus for global companies: Study

LONDON: India tops the sales focus for major global corporations, followed closely by China, and a third of companies also see these two countries as the top markets for production, according to a study.

A survey by accountants Ernst & Young, released on Friday, found that 47 percent of high-performing global firms saw India as the most important market for sales while 44 percent named China. The importance of India and China remained the same regardless of where the firms were headquartered, the study found.

On a broader level, which included top-performing as well as less successful companies, India was seen as the top focus of 34 percent of firms and China was only just behind with 33 percent.

The other members of the BRIC group of the world's biggest emerging economies were some way down, with Brazil the main focus for 19 percent of companies and Russia for 14 percent,

"It appears that the combination of high volume and rapid growth in the India and China markets lifts them outside the normal more regional focus," Ernst & Young said.

"Brazil can be seen to continue to emerge, while Russia's relative importance has declined," said the study, noting Russia had fallen out of the top 10 for North American firms though it is in fifth place for Western European firms.

The study, conducted for Ernst & Young by the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), interviewed 400 top-level executives at leading international corporations in January and February 2011. It distinguished between top-performing and less successful companies on the basis of revenue and EBITDA growth.

Almost half the high-performance companies named economic growth forecasts as the main factor for sales and investment strategies while 40 percent identified demographic profiles.

India and China are the world's fastest growing big economies and have over a billion people each.

The study found that the top markets for production for all respondents were China (30 percent) and India (28 percent), followed by Brazil and Mexico with 12 percent each. But among high performers, 43 percent preferred India followed by China which was favoured by 41 percent.

While 40 percent of best-performing European firms and two-thirds of Asian companies named India as their top investment destination, China topped the list in North America, picked by 41 percent of leading businesses.

India was named as the favoured production focus by far fewer of the less successful businesses across the continents.

"This suggests that a focus on India in certain markets contributes to growth," the study added.

Russia got 13 percent of the votes of high-performing firms in Western Europe and 13 percent in North America. Brazil got 16 percent and 9 percent respectively.

7 MAY, 2011, 07.30AM IST,ET BUREAU

Sebi chairman UK Sinha rules out reversing predecessor's policy on mutual funds, IPO pricing under Sebi scanner

MUMBAI: New Sebi chief UK Sinha on Friday said he does not intend to reverse rules put in place by his predecessor that restricted the ability of mutual funds to pay commissions to distributors. Indian fund houses, which manage equity and debt schemes with a corpus of over Rs 7,000,00 crore, were pinning hopes on a change in policies introduced by CB Bhave, whose three-year tenure ended in February this year.

But in his first interview after taking over as chairman of India's stock market regulator, the former CEO of UTI Asset Management Company-the fourth-largest fund house-said a U-turn was not on the cards.

"I don't think you can expect a policy reversal. But what we will do is to facilitate the widening of the geographical spread of the mutual fund industry, improve disclosures and focus on making mutual funds more investor-friendly," he told ET on Friday.

In August 2009, Bhave had banned entry loads, or the commission paid to distributors, a move that has benefited investors but continues to draw howls of protest from the mutual fund industry.

The so-called entry load refers to the industry practice of passing on 2.25% of the money paid by investors to buy units of mutual funds as commission to distributors. Asset management companies, which run mutual funds, have incessantly complained that distributors are no longer keen to sell mutual funds to investors.

Sinha said he was mindful of the fact that there had been a net outflow in fiscal 2010-11 and a decline in the number of accounts of mutual fund investors, but investors have gained as all their money was being deployed in the market. Sebi had quantified such gains at over Rs 1,300 crore.

The Sebi chief, who worked in the Indian Administrative Service for over three decades marked by stints in the banking division of the finance ministry, said a final call on two key policy initiatives-new rules governing takeovers and norms for ownership of stock exchanges based on the Bimal Jalan committee report- will be taken after the views of the government are taken into consideration.

Sinha was in the finance ministry at a time the old financial institution ICICI was being converted into a bank, and later had a stint in the capital markets division of the ministry after which he quit the government half-way into the UTI job.

There has been resistance from industry to some of the recommendations on takeover rules made by a committee headed by former head of the Securities Appellate Tribunal C Achuthan , notably the one advocating a ban on non-compete fee and the other mandating a public offer to buy out 100% of a company.

"I have some idea of the thinking of the committees and there are strong views for and against. The general view of the Sebi board has been that we should encourage competition and our attempt is to take a decision at the earliest, " he said.

Sinha also said a group has been formed to ensure that information provided to investors in the prospectus of initial public offerings helps them in taking the right decision. "Our understanding is that Sebi is asking for too much information in an unstructured manner which is again an area for improvement."

sell Air India?

With accumulated losses amounting to nearly $3 billion, the 10-day crippling strike of Air India pilots may have come at the worst possible time for the flag carrier, but it has also raised the pitch for privatisation like never before.

With Maharaja a pauper, is it time to sell Air India?

"The Maharaja had become a pauper a long time ago," said Capt Gustav Baldauf, who was brought specifically in to oversee the merger of Indian Airlines with Air India and take the carrier back to its days of glory but quit a few months ago as its chief operating officer.

"This mess is thanks to the management and constant interference by the government," Baldauf, who has served carriers such as Austrian Airlines and Jet Airways in various capacities, told IANS.

Experts said losses are not the carrier's only problems: There is a problem with integration, human resource issues that have now been compounded because of the merger, charges of irrational route planning, and general mismanagement.

"Who will repay the bank loans worth $10 billion or the dues to oil companies for fuel, or for that matter for leased aircraft and the new ones that have been ordered," asked Amber Dubey, director for areospace and defence, with global consultancy KPMG.

"On the other hand, Air India is also sitting on billions of dollars worth of assets and property. What will happen to it? How much of it will be on the block and who will have the muscle to buy it?" Dubey queried again.

With Maharaja a pauper, is it time to sell Air India?

Some experts feel the role that had been envisaged for Air India -- when it had to serve non-profitable routes for social reasons, evacuate Indians in distress from both within and outside the country -- is no longer required.

From being the dominant player in Indian skies about a decade back, Air India's market share fell to 16 percent which was one of the reasons why the government was reluctant to invoke the provisions of the Essential Services Maintenance Act to tackle the pilots' strike.

This despite the fact that the carrier has a fleet of 135 aircraft, of which 108 are its own, most of them new and acquired in recent years from the Boeing Company and Airbus Industrie. The carrier runs 460 daily domestic and overseas flights.

"The only way to salvage the carrier is to either bring in the private sector or include a new stakeholder in the airline in some form or the other," said Baldauf, under whose tenure the mandate was given to Deloitte to come out with a turn-around plan.

With Maharaja a pauper, is it time to sell Air India?

Civil Aviation Minister Vayalar Ravi, who took charge of the portfolio just in January, said the revival of the flag carrier was his top priority and that every effort will be made to set the house in order.

"We had already invested Rs.2,000 crore (around $450 million) into the carrier last year and it will receive another Rs.1,200 crore ($250 million) this year. So investment will come and the turn-around plan will be implemented successfully," Ravi told IANS.

Air India chairman and managing director Arvind Jadhav said the revival plan will focus on equity infusion, shift to long-term loans, interest cut, making repair and ground-handling operations into separate entities, and resolving integration issues.

But Air Marshal (retired) Denzil Keelor, the hero of the India-Pakistan war in 1965 and an arbitrator between the flag carrier and the unions in the late 1990s, feels it was time the government sold Air India.

With Maharaja a pauper, is it time to sell Air India?

"It's our money. The tax payers' money. It can be used in so many different ways. Let us build schools, roads. We need all the resources to build this country and get people out of poverty. Let us not waste it on Air India," Keelor told IANS.

"Otherwise, no one cares about the national carrier -- not the politicians, not the management, and not even the unions. They are all just there to use it for their own interests and nothing more," Keelor added.

Yet some feel, even though the recent pilots' strike of 10 days dented the carrier's image a lot, there was still scope to nurse Air India back to financial and operational health.

"They can certainly do it. Don't forget it was the number one carrier a few years ago. There is no reason why it cannot be done. This is also a service industry. If the human resource issues are settled, the rest will follow," said expert Ankur Bhatia of Bird Group.

Source: IANS

Karnataka - Campaign against the US Water Trade Mission to India

Fact Sheet on Operation Green Hunt

Mumbai - November 3 Protest Against Adarsh & Other Land Scams

IPT on Land Acquisition, Resource Grab, and Operation Green Hunt - Resource documents

Kolkata - CESC contract workers on strike

Kolkata - Lalgarh Convention, October 12

National Action Week - "GODAMO KE TALE KHOLO" : September 22-28

Getting to know the Second Green 'Revolutionary' Ruler-Corporates!

Pamphlet of Matangini Mahila Samiti in protest against the charging of Debalina Chakrabarty with UAPA

Delhi Rally for Justice in Bhopal, 24 Jun

Adivasis, Mining and Monopoly Capital: Issue 18 of Update Booklet

Contents

Introduction 1
Adivasis in Central and Eastern India 7
Adivasi People and Forests 11
Mad Rush for Mining and Adivasi People 18
Exploitation: Economic and

Public Meeting - Indian State's War on People and the Assault on Democratic Voices

Organized by Forum Against War on People

3PM-8PM, 24TH APRIL 2010
Gandhi Peace Foundation, Deen Dayal Upadhyay Marg, ITO, DELHI
SPEAKERS
Randhir Singh, Justice Rajender Sachar, PK Vijayan, Madan Kashyap, Sumit Chakravorty, Varavara Rao, Neelabh,
B D Sharma, S A R Geelani, Aparna, Darshanpal, Arundhati Roy, Ravinder Goel, Karen Gabriel, N Venuh,
Kalpana Mehta, Kabir Suman, G N Saibaba, Mrigank, Ish […]

Click here to read leaflet [PDF, Bengali] »

Krishak Committee pamphlet against Operation Green Hunt

On the eviction of slums in Kolkata: A leaflet

Feb 15 2010. From the Brihottoro Kolkata Khalpar Basti Uchhed Pratirodh Committee(Greater Kolkata Slum Eviction Resistance Committee), an organisation resisting the eviction of slums in Kolkata.

Sanhati Selections 2011

Click here to read booklet on South City Projects Kolkata Ltd. [PDF, Bengali] »

South City Projects, Kolkata: A montage of anti-people activities

This booklet, published in Bengali by the Forum Against Anti-People South City Projects, traces the activities of South City Projects, a real estate giant in Kolkata [company logo: Live the way the world does]. This literature is a part of the South City page at Sanhati.

Included is a collage of leaflets and news pieces dating back from 2002 to the present.

Press Statement of the Citizens' Expert Committee on BT Brinjal

West Bengal - More than fifty polluting sponge iron factories

Lokayat group, Pune: Literature and activities

The Lokayat group is an activist forum based in Pune, India. As part of an effort to collect activist literature and feature various local efforts from all over the country, we are bringing our readers some material from the group, as well as an account of their recent activity. -Ed.

Click here to read Update Newsletter [PDF, English] »

Update newsletter: Aspects of Indian agriculture, land reforms, and imperialism

Published in June 2006, this issue of Update studies extensively studies aspects of Indian agriculture and the Land Reform Programmes of the State.

Contents: Chapter 1: (a) Landholding patterns among rural households (b) Landholding patterns among SC, ST, and other social groups (c) Irrigation pattern by operational holdings and area operated (d) Irrigation pattern by social groups (e) Landless agricultural labour households (f) Unemployment and underemployment in agricultural labour households (g) Earnings and wages of agricultural labour households (h) Expenses and consumption Chapter 2:
Land reforms and imperialism

ShramikShakti Newsletter: June-July 2009

Editorial - Now is the time to start working for a true alternative
(i) For changing policies, and not only change government - Form Coalitions, Prepare (ii) How can Sunderbans be saved ? (iii) Lalgarh - Terror of Joint Forces

(iv) The gift of Congress after winning elections - (a) giving sanction to 9 SEZ-s (b) indication to dismantle public distribution system (c) disinvestment of public sector

(v) Are people's representatives really representing the people ? (vi) Issue : Self-analysis of CPI(M) after elections (vii) Struggle in Peru for water-land-forests (viii) Bhandarkhali - Story of stopping Aila (ix) Big capital in retail : the Metro model (x) Turbulent May in the western world (xi) Lok Sabha 2009 elections - manifesto of Trinamul Congress (xii) Hindmotor - Real estate development on factory-land (xiii) Titagarh Lumtex - Victory of the struggling workers (xiv) Tea Gardens - 10 lakh workers have lost work

Click here to read ShramikShakti, June-July 2009 [PDF, Bengali] »

Crossed and Crucified: Parivar's war against minorities - A PUCL and Kashipur Solidarity Group report

After the killing of Laxmanananda Saraswati on 23 August 2008, a Hindutva-led pogrom against Dalit Christians started in the Kandhamal district of Orissa. Till now, according to official reports, 39 people have been killed. Nearly, 50,000 people have been hounded out of their villages, their houses have been gutted and their belongings have been looted.

This report, prepared by PUCL-Bhubaneshwar and Kashipur Solidarity Group, has tried to document the systematic targeting and hounding of the Adivasi and Dalit Christians in the Kandmahal region. In the process, the report also provides a glimpse of a long running conflict in that area, which has been used by the dominant forces such as the state, its policies and institutions, institutionalized religion and the Oriyas (who are the caste Oriyas), along with other players.

Click here to read Crossed and Crucified [PDF, English] »

Policies on industrial land and the burgeoning real estate scam: A Nagarik Mancha study

This document by Nagarik Mancha discusses the policies of West Bengal government regarding land belonging to industries and the conditions of workers in West Bengal. The first part talks about the infamous 14Z amendment to the West Bengal land reforms act which has allowed the West Bengal government to sell back "leasehold" land to the owners of industries as "freehold" land such that the land can be used for the rejuvenation of the industry. What has actually happened is that the land has been sold off for real estate development and the industry has been closed down. The case at Hind Motors is an example (the earlier case of Usha and South City was the prototype of this process). Biggest land scam in the history of West Bengal going on.

The second part takes a close look at the issues pertaining to workers that have been included in the CPI(M) election manifesto (a total of 30 lines in the 32 page manifesto of a "communist" party!) and the reality of the condition of workers in West Bengal.

Click here to read this article by Nagarik Mancha [PDF, Bengali] »

ShramikShakti Newsletter: January 2009

(i) After the Mumbai attacks - again the war mongering
(ii) Israel attack on Gaza - condemnation across the world
(iii) Lalgarh : New Phase of Struggle
(iv) Results from the 18 day strike in jute mills
(v) Attack on worker by South City Mall owners - the fight for dignity of Shambhu Singh
(vi) Editorial on anti-terrorism bill
(vii) Lalgarh : attempt to entrap struggle by bureaucratic manouvers
(viii) Obama's victory is US presidential elections
(ix) Corporate scam - Satyam exposed
(x) Land acquisition for airport at Andal
(xi) The struggle of workers of Lumtex Jute Mill
(xii) The crisis in world capitalism
(xiii) Greece erupts in struggles
(xiv) Workers occupy factories at Chicago

Click here to read ShramikShakti, January 2009 [PDF, Bengali] »

Sponge Iron Industries in Bengal and Community Devastation - A Nagarik Mancha Study

This report from Nagarik Mancha studies sponge iron industries in regions like Purulia, Bankura, Birbhum, and West Midnapur in Bengal - the areas traditionally regarded as "less fertile". Cutting across districts, it finds liquid waste, uncontrolled effluents, and groundwater depletion wreaking havoc on the lives of local communities, with WBPCB merely a silent spectator. Amongst many examples are the Lodha Sabars displaced in Gajashimul, Jhargram, after promises of jobs have gone unkept; and migrant workers in cement factories and sponge iron units across the state working in hazardous conditions. Most importantly, the study discerns an emerging contour of local resistance.

Click here to read Nagarik Mancha report on Sponge Iron industries [PDF, English] »

ShramikShakti Newsletter: May 2009

(i) No UPA, NDA, Third Front - Need for a principled political alliance
(ii) Our country : unemployment, agrarian distress, wage decline
(iii) Building industries in closed factories : CPI(M)'s false propaganda
(iv) Struggles continue : Lalgarh, Pashupathy Factory, Lumtex Jute Mill, Infogen, Kalyani Paper Mill.
(v) Regional parties' greed for power
(vi) Jobs at the chemical hub ?
(vii) Collage of posters

Click here to read ShramikShakti, May 2009 [PDF, Bengali] »

ShramikShakti Newsletter: March 2009

(i) Infogen - Owner flees with salaries pending
(ii) MKP organises rally against imperialist globalisation
(iii) Truth about Satyam
(iv) Gorkhaland movement - recent developments
(v) Editorial - Lok Sabha Elections
(vi) Hooch tragedy - who is the real culprit ?
(vii) Road blockade by workers of National Jute Mill
(viii) Public meeting at Lalgarh - People's Committee proposes agenda for development
(ix) Buying rice at fair price
(x) Analysis of interim budget
(xi) What do the tax collectors eat ?
(xii) Struggle in Nepal reaches crossroads

Click here to read ShramikShakti March 2009 [PDF, Bengali] »

Chinton - A magazine of Marxian enquiry

The April 2009 issue of Chinton contains two political commentaries and analysis of Nepal (by Prashanta Ray and Biswajit Hazra) and a theoretical piece on Marxian thought (by Deepak Bakshi).

Click here to read Chinton [PDF, Bengali] »

Report on India's first airport city (Andal Airetropolis) from Adhikar

This study on the Airetropolis project in Burdawn district, Durgapur sub-division of West Bengal has been published by a local group called Adhikar, based in Asansol.

Andal, in West Bengal, is going to be the site of India's first Airetropolis - a private airport city at a cost of 5 billion dollars and based on 3500 acres of land. The city will be owned by the Singapore's Changi International Airport, and constructed by Bengal Airetropolis Project Limited. Notice for the project was served according to Section 4(1) from the Burdwan Collector's Office. Various newspapers printed the notice between December 11-21, 2008.

In the first phase, initiative was taken for the acquisition of 2362.84 acres of land, and the notice called on any person associated with the land to come forward and raise objections. But the notice wasn't circulated or publicised through the Panchayats in the villages. As a result, many people do not know about the notice. Even as authorities from Singapore claim that they have spoken to the land owners multiple times.

Land to be acquired in the first phase includes the following villages under (1) Andal Block: Andal, Tamla, DakshinKhanda, Ukhra, Khandra, Moyra, Bhadur, Dhupchuriya and (2) Faridpur Block: Amloka, Bhangori, Arati, Patshaora. These belong to Burdawn district, Durgapur sub-division.

Click here to read booklet on Andal Airetropolis from Adhikar [PDF, Bengali] »

Tribal Peoples Committee of Purulia district hold meeting for basic rights in solidarity with Lalgarh

On 22nd February, 2009, the Adivasi Moolbasi Janashadharan Committee (Tribal Peoples Committee) of Purulia district in West Bengal held a meeting for basic rights and in solidarity with the movement in Lalgarh. Pictures and a charter of demands are given.

Click here to read Sarkarer Notun Krisi Niti [PDF, Bengali] »

Comprehensive documentary from Canvas on monopolistic aggression in retail, Bengal

Canvas Documentary on Big capital monopoly in retail, Bengal [Google Video, 47 mins, Bengali]

This documentary covers the continuous conversion of industrial land into real estate, and the monopolistic assault on retail in Bengal that threatens to render countless workers jobless. Contents: (1) Interviews with small traders, analysts, and activists (2) South City Mall (3) Barrackpore Nonachandanpukur Bazaar (4) Save Park Circus Market Committee (5) Panihati retailers (6) Gariahat hawkers (7) Bolpur retailers samiti (8) Voices against Metro Cash and Carry

Booklet on the Bengal and Indian government's new agricultural policies

February 6, 2009

This booklet on the government's new agricultural policies has been written by Subhendu Dasgupta and published by Nagarik Mancha.

Farmers do not want to remain farmers, they want to leave agriculture and become workers. Agriculture is a "backward" issue, industry is the vehicle to the future; emphasis has to be reduced from agriculture and placed on industry. In West Bengal, we do not need to worry about food and crops. In these currents of thought within the government of West Bengal, we find the broader policies of the central government - the national agricultural policies. There is great parity of thought on agriculture, between economic powers within and without; between political powers at the center and in the state. We will start with the central government's agricultural policies, and end with the Bengal government - in the middle we will explore the ideas pushed by multinational consultancy groups.

Naihati industrial region, Bengal - closed factories, vulnerable workers, affected society

From Save Naihati Industrial Region Manch (Naihati Shilpanchal Bachao Manch), Nov 2008

Click here to read report [PDF, Bengali, 7MB] »

Fact-finding report on Jindal SEZ in Salboni, West Bengal

From SEZ-Birodhi Prachar Manch. Dec, 2008

Click here to view video [Bengali, Google Video]

In Salboni, West Midnapur district of Bengal, the Jindal Group is building a SEZ on 4877.44 acres of land. According to the State Government and JSW Bengal Steel Limited, the SEZ is being built on totally arid land. And that the land has been given joyfully, spontaneously, in return for which the Jindal Group has provided adequate compensation and promises. The job of this team was to probe the veracity of these claims, the socio-economic effect of the purported SEZ on the local population, and its environmental implications.

Click here to read fact-finding report on Salboni SEZ of Jindal [PDF, Bengali, 7MB] »

ShramikShakti November 2008

Contents: (1) Court declares CPIM members as Tapasi Malik's murderers (2) Kanoria Jute Mill workers on the path of struggle after a long time (3) Rice Mill workers getting organized in Bolpur (4) Agricultural workers in Bengal - an exploited class (5) Government TB hospital sold for Re. 1 (6) Kandhamal, Orissa - the Sangh Parivar stokes communal flames (7) Salboni - the Jindals convert plant to SEZ, adivasis protest (8) The Tata-Singur deal (9) Poultry farmers in Arambag in the face of monopolistic capital (10)

Click here to read ShramikShakti, November 2008 [PDF, Bengali] »

SEZ News magazine

Contents: (1) A brief report from Himachal Pradesh (2) POSCO in Orissa: an economic scam brewing? (3) Letter from KSEZ occupied area (4) Goa: how the battle was won (5) Aqaba, Jordan: Special place or Special Zone?

Click here to read SEZ News magazine, April 2008 [PDF, English, 0.6 MB] »

Matongini Mohila Samiti: Newsletter, September 2008

Matangini Mahila Samiti is a group of female students of Jadavpur University, formed in the wake of the Nandigram massacre. Its members were harassed in June 2008 on charges of having Maoist links.

Contents: (1) The nuclear deal: America, India, the CPIM, and where we stand (2) Three daughters of Nandigram (3) CMZ: the destruction of coastal livelihood and environment (4) The Gorkhaland Movement (5) Mahamaya Jagchhe: a mother looks back at the June arrest of Matongini members on Maoist charges

Click here to read Matangini Newsletter, September 2008 [PDF, Bengali, 2.9MB] »

Booklet on anti-people history of Tatas: SEZ-birodhi Prachar Manch

The SEZ-birodhi Prachar Manch is an anti-SEZ watchdog in Bengal. This booklet in Bengali, produced in 2008, dispels certain myths about the Tata corporation.

Contents: (1) Tata's role in Indian economic and foreign policies (2) Aiding killer Union Carbide in Bhopal (3) Tribal land grab and oppression (4) Environmental pollution (5) Tata's old history: (a) supporting British imperialism (b) export of opium to China - the origin of Jamshedji's wealth (6) Exploitation of workers at TISCO (7) Peoples movements against the Tatas

Booklet on the anti-people history of the Tatas [Bengali, PDF, 1.7 MB] »

Leaflets from FAMA on Nov 10 rally, Metro Cash and Carry, and a letter to Mr. Gandhi

A leaflet on Metro Cash and Carry: the license to operate in Bengal - its provisions and consequences »

Rally against monopolistic capital on Nov 10, 2008 - a leaflet »

A letter to Gopal Krishna Gandhi on the effects of big capital in retail »

FAMA or the Forum Against Monopolistic Aggression is fighting against the entry of big capital in retail in Bengal and India, and the consequent dispossession of millions of small traders, their employees, people employed in transportation, storage, etc.

Booklet from FAMA on entry of big capital in retail in Bengal and India

Contents: (1) Introduction: Entry of monopolistic capital in unorganised retail in Bengal and India (2) Why unorganised retail is a profitable vista for big business (3) The international experience (4) A summary of the present situation of unorganised retail in India (5) How the present situation is changing with the entry of big capital (6) The myth of job creation and the contraction of employment (7) Predatory pricing: customers take a hit (8) How agriculture will be affected: an increase in farmer suicide? (9) The new culture of consumption (10) Adverse effects on the environment (11) The hypocrisy of Parliamentary parties (12) Conclusion: comments on the struggle ahead

Click here to read booklet on monopolistic aggression of big capital in retail [PDF, Bengali, 3MB] »

Niyamgiri, Orissa: Mass Convention Against Supreme Court Verdict allowing Vedanta mining

On August 11 2008, India's Supreme Court gave the go-ahead for two huge and controversial mining projects (companies: Vedanta and POSCO) in the eastern state of Orissa. Dongria Kondh tribespeople say their livelihood will be destroyed. The on going peaceful and democratic peoples' movements in the state have been shocked by the fact that one of the main pillars of our democracy, the judiciary has joined the sides of the corporations who are desperate to grab the resources that has been sustaining the life of millions of peasants, tribals, fishermen and forest dwellers only to maximize their own profit.

Click here to read ShramikShakti September 2008 [PDF, Bengali, 1.6 MB]

ShramikShakti Newsletter: September 2008

Contents: (1) 22 workers laid off in Hindmotors as the management strike back (2) Walmart and retail in Bengal (3) Small shopowners protest in Bolpur (4) The historic food movement: 1959 and 1966 (5) The story of the Tatas (6) Workers spend 77 days in jail in a Left-governed state: a personal account (7) Resistance against Dow Chemicals advances in Mumbai (8) The Indo-US Nuclear deal - by Samik Chakraborty (9) A look at Nepal's political trajectory

ShramikShakti Newsletter: August 2008

Contents: (1) Loomtex mill in Titagarh: imprisoned workers released after sustained resistance (2) Agricultural labourers win struggle for wage raise in Dignagar, Burdwan district (3) Hindmotors: the conversion of factory land for real estate (4) The government's policies are responsible for price-rise (5) 1945 document of undivided CPI: a demand for independent Gorkhaland (6) Gorkhaland movement and national self-determination - by Samik Chakraborty (7) Flooding in lower Damodar Valley - who is responsible? - part 2 (8) Resistance in Barackpore Nonachandanpukur Bazaar against eviction (9) Floods in Potashpur (10) Solidarity gathering in Kolkata for Nepal's revolutionary struggle (11) Mineline Engineering in Behala: casual workers fight against illegal activities of owner (12) Egypt in the grip of workers protests (13) International politics on the Tiber issue

Click here to read ShramikShakti [PDF, Bengali, 1.6 MB] »

ShramikShakti Newsletter: June 2008

Contents: (1) Loomtex Engineering Jute Mill in Titagarh: workers imprisoned on false charges (2) My experience of the Nepal Elections - by Kushal Debnath (3) Searching for the reasons behind price-hike (4) National Jute Mill Extra Casual Workers Forum calls convention in Sakrail (5) Economic progress and job creation - a discussion, Part 4 - by Chandan Debnath (6) Lower Damodar Valley flooding - who is responsible? (7) The Panchayat system caught in the tightening noose of capital - an analysis by Shankar Das (8) "Mexico's other border: illegal migrants to U.M by Cynthia Gorney (9) Baburam Dewan - a fading story (10) The people of Tibet resist China

Click here to read ShramikShakti, June 2008 [Bengali, PDF, 1.6 MB] »

Anthropology of a Genocide - Vedanta and tribal movements in Central India

A study by Felix Padel and Samarendra Das, 2006

Contents: (1) Introduction (2) Vedanta Resources and the fight for Orissa's Bauxite Malis (3) Social structure of a company - DFID, DTI, VAL, Vedanta Resurces (4) The question of development - social structure of a tribal community (5) Commemorating Kalinga through Steel (6) The civil war in Bastar

Click here to read Anthropology of a Genocide - Tribal Movements in Central India [PDF, English] »

Coastal Zone Regulation to Coastal Zone Management: A Booklet

Click here to read booklet on Costal Zone Regulation and Coastal Zone Management [PDF, Bengali, 8MB] »

Rajarhat township - cries of despair behind a facade of development

This booklet details land acquisition in Rajarhat, West Bengal - a place which faced the onslaught of development much before Singur and Nandigram moved such debates into wider circles. As a place which has witnessed the terror of development, Rajarhat township is perhaps unique.

Click here to read booklet on Rajarhat land acquisition [PDF, Bengali] »

Shramik Istahar: April-May, 2008 issue

Contents: 1. The murder of worker leader Ram Parvesh Singh at CESC and the state of the unions 2. False police cases, political arrests, and the bail of Mithu Ghosh 3. Nandigram: Police - CPIM nexus cannot be the last word 4. Food price increase - a summary and future directions 5. Chidambaram;s farmer debt-waiver: implications 6. Aspects of global warming 7. Condition of workers in SIPCOT, Gummidipoondi

Click here to read Shramik Istahar April-May 2008 [Bengali, PDF, 250 KB] »

Tumi Maharaj Sadhu hole Aaj! - Real estate land-acquisition in HindMotors

Leaflet from Gana Udyog

B.L.R.O. Srirampore: I won't commit this to paper. However, there is one set of rules for common people, another for the Birlas. I can't do much from my chair. We are servants who obey government directives. Decisions come from much higher up.

(1) Land-acquisition in HindMotors for real-estate: A Timeline
(2) Background

Click here to read leaflet [Bengali, PDF] »

Nandigram during the Panchayat Elections 2008: an SSC leaflet

Click here to read English version of leaflet »

Bondimukti Committee members arrested for protesting political arrests

Bondimukti Committee members protesting against political arrests were attacked by police and have been fasting at College Square, Kolkata, from May 6 2008 in protest.

Click here to read Krishak Committee leaflet [PDF, English, 10 KB] »

Panchayat Poll '08: A Preliminary Discussion on Strategies

Nothing can remain the same all through. The masses of rural toilers were summing-up the past experiences on their own and has been feeling betrayed by the party that once the masses themselves enthroned. The feeling of despair was giving rise to wrath. The first sparks of rural spontaneous outbursts were seen in only four or five villages in 2004, and in 2007 it surfaced again more widely in various districts of West Bengal apparently against the corruption of party–govt (including panchayat)–rural bigwigs. Also we saw the Singur-Bhangar-Haripur-Nandigram during 2006 and 2007, where the villagers united to fight govt-party-police-admin nexus attempted to grab land for foreign and native capitalists. In many of these struggles we saw the almost same trend (albeit weakly) that is being witnessed among the workers, i.e., unity of the rural masses irrespective of or cutting across their former party affiliation or adherence, their dissociation from old established parties spontaneously unsettling the power equation of the villages, doing things and achieving feats which they themselves would have thought to be 'impossible' few days before, taking the rein of their own fight and organisation themselves, rebelling against the agonising life, etc. This is an important phenomenon that must be kept in mind before thinking of the tasks ahead of the rural toiling masses in the ensuing panchayat polls.

Leaflet from Shramik Sangram Committee: The right to struggle and organise is under attack

May 3, 2008 rally

This leaflet from the Shramik Sangram Committee and the Krishak Committee is an appeal to protest, on May 3, 2008, against the attack on the right to struggle and organise in West Bengal. This comes at a time of concerted attacks on civil liberties and cultural activities. In particular, it speaks of the arrest of Mithu Ghosh on the pretext of Maoist connections.

Click here to read leaflet from SSC and KC for May 3 2008 rally [PDF, Bengali] »

The Panchayat elections and self-empowerment of the rural poor

This is a translated version of a leaflet from the Krishak Committee (KC), written and distributed at the advent of Panchayat elections in West Bengal. The Sharamik Sangram Committee (SSC), a small fraternal organisation of the Krishak Commitee, leads the union at Hindustan Lever.

An analytical booklet on POSCO [PDF, Bengali, 262 KB]

POSCO booklet, leaflet, map from Kolkata rally - February 2008

Leaflet of anti-POSCO rally in Kolkata, February 2008

Map of POSCO

Anti-POSCO rally and program in Kolkata

February 13, 2008. Kolkata: A rally from College Square to Utkal Bhavan (an office of the Orissa govornment) took place and was followed by a mass-deputation in Utkal Bhavan against the proposed POSCO project in Jagatsingpur district, Orissa. The program was organised by 18 organizations. After a demonstration in front of Utkal Bhavan the protesters conveyed their solidarity to the POSCO movement in the form of a memorandum to the government of Orissa. The authorities at Utkal Bhavan received the memorandum on behalf of the government of Orissa. Afterwards, anti-POSCO activists including Biswajit Roy shared their experiences with political organisations and human rights activists at the Indian Radical Humanist Associations Hall in a discussion called Posco Ebong Tar Protirodh. Activists involved in the protest movement against illegal and extensive stone quarrying in Asansol and Birbhum were also present to express their solidarity to the people of Orissa and speak about the conditions in the regions where they work.

The 18 organisations which organised the program were: APDR, Chhatra-Chhatri Sanhati Mancha, Little Magazine Samannay Mancha, Lok Seba Sangh, Nandigram Ganahatya Birodhi Prochar Udyog, Sahanagarikder Jukta Mancha, Hawker Sangram Committee, TASAM, USDF, NAPM, Sanhati Udyog, PaschimBanga Khetmazoor Samiti, Ganamukti Parishad, Janasangharsha Samiti, West Bengal Gandhi Peace Foundation, Bondi Mukti Committee, West Bengal Government Employees Union, and National Fishworkers Federation.

Click here to read study on closed and re-opened ta gardens in North Bengal [PDF, English, 400 KB] »

Study on Closed and Re-opened Tea Gardens in North Bengal

By Anuradha Talwar, Debashish Chakraborty, Sarmishtha Biswas

This study, dated September 2005, was conducted in the wake of the crisis in the tea industry in the Doars between 2002-2004.

Contents: (1) Conditions in re-opened gardens - wages, ration, hours of work, occupational health and safety, drinking water, electricity, housing, transport for school-children, medical facilities, creches, maternity benefits, fringe benefits, latrines and urinals (2) Conditions in closed and abandoned gardens (3) Workers' dues - tabled by tea estates, categorized under provident fund, gratuity, salary, and total dues (4) Opening agreements (5) Likely non-viability of plantations (6) Role of unions - CITU, UTUC, INTUC, WBTGEA (7) Role of government (8) Plantations Labour Act, 1951

ShramikShakti Newsletter - January-February 2008

Contents: (1) SEZs stopped in Goa (2) CPI(M) exults over the Nano (3) BJP in power in Gujrat and Himachal - effects on state and national politics (4) Dankuni - huge land acquisition plans (5) Civil society, Karl Marx, and the CPI(M) (6) Economic development and employment generation - a debate (part 2) (7) Vote-based front or unity of struggle? (8) Pollution of drinking water - in search of the source (9) Singur and the High Court verdict (10) Ganashakti's hypocrisy (11) GM crops - agricultural science meet in Bolagarh (12) Bolagarh - lessons from the polls (13) Movement in Kandi - protests against corruption in public distribution system and cal for permanent flood resistance measures (14) Benazir's death and contemporary Pakistan (15) HindMotors and the recent elections

Click here to read ShramikShakti January-February 2008 [PDF, Bengali, 612 KB] »

ShramikShakti Newsletter, December 2007

Contents: (1) Brutal assault on Adivasi tea-garden workers in Assam (2) The 29th November attack on Anti-Posco Movement (3) Buddha at it again - says he's wrong (4) An interview with Avash Munshi of SSKU on the upcoming elections at Hindmotors (5) On Taslima Nasreen (6) Economic development and employment generation - a debate (7) Nandigram and the Nuclear Deal - an understanding between Congress and CPI(M) (8) Nandigram's effect clear in Rail Union Elections (9) Cancel SEZ, Posco go back! - ShramikShakti's interview of Abhay Sahu (10) Nandigram will hold its head high - an eye-wtiness report from the relief camps (11) CPI(M) attacks peaceful anti-acquisition rally in Birshibpur (12) Under U.S. supervision - whither Pakistan? (13) France - workers go on unprecedented strikes

Click here to read ShramikShakti, December 2007 [PDF, Bengali, 720 KB] »

Leaflet from Maitree, a women's rights network, on Nandigram

Maitree had taken the responsibility of campaigning for a day, on Friday, 7th December, 2007, at the temporary structure being called Dharna Mancha (in the Metro Channel, Kolkata). The following leaflet was distributed there. Several Maitree members took part in a 24 Hour fast, including Madhuchchanda Karlekar, Anuradha Kapoor, Swapna Banerjee, Saraswatidi, and Saswati Ghosh. There was also a mass collection of signatures condemning the violence, on a canvas. Other programmes of various kinds were also organized. A candlelight vigil was held in the evening. Cultural programmes and speeches were interspersed throughout the day.

Click here to read ShramikShakti - November, 2007 [PDF, Bengali, 629 KB]»

ShramikShakti Newsletter - November, 2007

Contents: (1) Nandigram is bloody once again (2) The Supreme Court on land acquisition in Punjab (3) Ration riots in West Bengal (4) Historic rally in Kolkata (5) Food Shortage in India and Genetically Modified Crops (6) Anti-SEZ convention in Kolkata arranged by the MKP - a report (7) Is Sensex growth an indicator of the country's progress? (8) Maoists leave government in Nepal - which way now?

Paid back in the same coin: A montage of posters of the historic rally on the 14th November

14th March was the turning point of Nandigram struggle. Remembering that bloody day, a historic rally was organised on 14th November at Kolkata from College Square. No organizational banner was there. The central theme of the rally was "Stretch your hand to the attacked people of Nandigram". Common people registered their hate and anger for the autocratic rulling party of West Bengal. They overflowed the city streets with thousands of militant yet silent protests.

Some Posters:

Pictures of the rally (courtesy: Nagarik Mancha)
click here for more.

Pictures from those who were a part of history that Kolkata witnessed that day:

Picture courtesy Indranil Ghosh Dastidar:

Picture courtesy Maroona Murmu:

Picture courtesy Kunal Chattopadhyay:

ghare phirechhilo jaaraa - posters on Nandigram

"ghare phera" "hiroshimaa nay, nandigram."

Saviors of the world

Click here to view

MKP Booklet on SEZ - A critical look at the SEZ Act

This booklet from Mazdoor Kranti Parishad covers the following :
(1) How the SEZ Act was created - the international and national backdrop
(2) SEZ Act 2005 - the most important of its 58 sections and SEZ Rule 2006 - the most important of its 77 rules
(3) Critically examining the sections and rules - (i) Section 5 ( examining generation of additional economic activity, promotion of exports of goods and services, promotion of investment from domestic and foreign sources, creation of employment opportunities, development of infrastructure), (ii) Sections 11, 12, 20, 21, 22, 23, 46, 51, 53 - the powers of the Development Comissioner in an SEZ, and colonial parallels (iii) Sections 26, 27, 32, 50 - exemptions, drawbacks, and concessions to developers and entrepreneurs, and what it means for social and rural programs (iv) Rule 11(10) - allotment of SEZ land for non-business purposes - real estate profits and promoters (v) Rule 44 - Contract farming for agricultural SEZs - what it means for the farmer and the seed company
(4) SEZ, and the stance of the BJP, Congress, and CPI(M).
(5) West Bengal SEZ Bill 2003
(6) Alternatives

Click here to read MKP's booklet on SEZ [PDF, Bengali, 290KB] »

Documents from the National Anti-SEZ Convention in Kolkata, Oct 1-2, 2007

These discussion documents were presented from MKP during the national anti-SEZ convention in Kolkata, Oct 1-2, 2007.

Click here to read first document [PDF, Bengali, 66KB] »
Click here to read second document [PDF, Bengali, 75KB] »

Poster - National Anti-SEZ Convention: Oct 1 2007, Mahajati Sadan. Arranged by MKP

Click here to view poster with program details [JPG, Bengali, 60KB]

ShramikShakti Newsletter - September, 2007 issue

ShramikShakti September 2007 issue covers pieces on : (1) NREGA struggles led by MKP in Aushgram, (2) Beating back Reliance Fresh, (3) the Chemical Hub at Nayachar and the Dow Chemicals nexus, (4) The Kalyani Industrial Area - revisting a disastrous industrial foray, (5) Bauria, Mathkal, Hindwar Industries Workers Movement, (6) The Indo-US Nuclear deal (7) MarichJhapi - the history that cannot be forgotten.

Click here to read ShramikShakti [PDF, Bengali, 2.5 MB] »

Shilpayon - Rupkatha aar Bastob (Industrialisation - Fairytales and Reality)

By Dipanjan Rai Chaudhuri

This extensive analytical booklet covers the following - (1) A study of China and its economic liberalization post 1980, evaluated not by dollars invested but by the detailed statistics of jobs created (2) Popular resistance to growing inequality in China, and its effects (3) Tracing the history of SEZs in West Bengal, and its present state (4) An evaluation of the popular equation big capital investment = job creationin the light of Falta, Haldia Petrochemicals, and other examples (5) A summary of foreign capital in Latin America (6) Exploring job-creating industrialization and "alternatives" (a) The need for small industries (b) Who will take care of heavy industry? (c) The farmer forms the market (d) Not Fascist force, but working with the consent of the people.

Click here to read Shilpayon - Rupkatha aar Bastob [Bengali, PDF, 265 KB] »

Caterpillar and the Mahua Flower: Tremors in India's Mining Fields

As multinational conglomerates walk away from Orissa and Chhattisgarh with state blessings to prospect for resources under the earth, the original custodians of the land, the Adivasis, find that their homes and livelihoods are being bulldozed to make way for industries. While the lavish lifestyles and expensive tastes of mining moguls is chronicled in minute detail, the struggle of the Adivasis seldom gets the attention it deserves. This book endeavors to illumine the dark corners of India's mining corridor.

Contents : (1) Iron in the Soul - Roger Moody (2) "Agya, What do you mean by development?" - Felix Padel and Samarendra Bose (3) No Man's Land - Alok Prakash Putul (4) Road to Perdition - Aman Sethi (5) The Base Alchemist - Roger Moddy (6) How Green was my Mountain - Neeraj Agarwal (7) Under a Black Sky - Ranjan K Panda (8) Forgeries in Steel : We also make Poverty - Ashly Hinmon (9) Never say DAE - Xavier Dias (10) Nero's Children - Amit Raja, translated by Rahul Rajesh (11) Full Monty, Please! - Umesh Nazir, translated by Rahul Rajesh (12) Defying the Juggernaut - Bhigneswar Sahu (13) Fifth Columnists? - Kedar Mishra

Click here to read Caterpillar and the Mahua Flower [PDF, 849 KB] »

Shramikshakti Newsletter - Workers struggle in Sakrail, Gaurishankar Jute, Chadmoni - SEZ in Ranihati

This August, 2007 issue contains (1) an analysis of the Haldia elections (2) the proposed SEZ in Ranihati (3) struggle in National Jute Mill, Sakrail (4) struggle in Gaurishankar Jute Mill (5) Chadmoni Tea Gardens - an update (6) A stocktaking of the Hindmotors movement (7) the CPIM and Bidhan Chandra Ray (8) from Nandigram to Khammam (9) Taposi Malik and the CBI

Click here to read Shramikshakti [Bengali, PDF, 2.8 MB] »

Chronicles of a Struggle - Booklet on Kashipur, Kalinganagar - The tribal struggle for survival

By Achyut and Vidya Das. Courtesy : Agragamee

(1) The Kashipur anti-mining movement (2) Globalization and Genocide (3) Kalinganagar : a first impression report.

"This small booklet is an effort to highlight the courage and endurance of tribal people as they make desperate bids to survive against an inhuman paradigm of "globalisation". We hope that a time wil come, in the near future, when ancient wisdom will once again be valued and we will learn to live together, and not on the destroyed and forgotten histories and identities of our brethren, the tribal people of this country."

Click here to read Chronicles of a Struggle [English, PDF, 1.6 MB] »

Chemical Hub - Ek Nihshobdo Ghatok (A Silent Killer)

From Platform publications, 45 Beniatola Lane, Kolkata 700009

The government of West Bengal has decided to build a chemical hub in the aftermath of Nandigram - the only question right now is where. This article analyses the effects of such a plan. Topics covered include the experience of other countries with chemical industries ( Brazil's Valley of Death, Japan - the Minamata Disease), the bloody histories of chemical corporations such as Dow, and the effect on the environment and public health.

Click here to read article [Bengali, PDF, 23 pages] »

Self Help for Slow Learners : A True Story

Click here to read article »

Leaflet from Bandi Mukti Committee - calling for unconditional release of Binayak Sen, Sumit Sarkar, Amitava Bhattacharya, and other Hindmotors Workers

The government of West Bengal is, of course, no exception. From 2000, several thousand people have been arrested on political grounds - among them are Sushil Ray, Patit Paban Haldar, Probodh Purokayastha, Tom Adhikary, Milton Barman, Harsha Bardhan Das, Bansi Badan Barman, and others. In North Bengal, numerous Kamtapuri and Great Cooch Bihar activists have been jailed on false charges. 29 members of SUCI and 11 people charged with Maoist connections are currently serving life in prison. Recently, the State arrested a number of activists associated with the Hindmotors movement. Swooping down late at night, the police arrested SSKU leaders Amitava Bhattacharya, Subhendu Biswas, and six others as they continued their hunger-strike. Sumit Sarkar was arrested simply for participating in the resistance, and sent to Midnapur Jail. In this context, we should remember that Sumit Sarkar had been arrested a few years ago, with his wife and newborn baby. He was kept in jail for over an year.

Click here for Bengali Leaflet page 1[PDF, .6 MB]
Click here for Bengali Leaflet page 2[PDF, .6 MB

Below for English:

Click to read booklet on SEZ [PDF, 2.88MB]

Introductory Booklet on SEZs prepared by Citizens' Research Collective, New Delhi

This booklet answers basic questions such as What is a SEZ, Why SEZs, How many SEZs, What has been the experience with SEZs so far, Will SEZs create jobs. It looks at the attendant displacement and loss of livelihood, the features of the emerging new corporate-city-state, and the immense usage (upto 75%) of SEZ land for real estate. It ends with a look at the many faces of resistance to neoliberalism, like theCoca-Cola Virudha Samara Samiti, Muthanga Forest Land Struggle, protests against land acquisitions for the Bangalore-Mysore highway and mining in the Krishna river by the Reliance Group, the Dalit struggle for Gairan under the Jameen Adhikar Andolan, struggle against Reliance Gas lines in Maharashtra, the 26 Gaon Bachao Sangharsh Samiti fighting SEZ in Raigad, etc.

Leaflet from IFTU, AICCTU, Amco Sanhati Committee, National Tannery Bachao Committee, IndoJapan Steel Employees Union, etc.

Wages to survive on, work for workers, factories on industrial land - That is what we demand.

After IndoJapan Steel closed down, workers of the factory tried all through the 1990s to get the Minister to agree to a workers cooperative. They walked down countless michhils, sent many appeals. They didn't want money - they simply wanted legal assistance from the government. These workers, who aspired to build an examplary workers intiative were converted into vagabonds. Their attempt at surviving with dignity, having control over their lives died a death in the hands of government apathy, and today the machinery has been dismantled, sold off in auction, under the protection of police. Workers have not received their 16 crore rupees in dues.
Click here to read page 1 in Bengali [PDF, 1.4 MB]
Click here to read page 2 in Bengali [PDF, 1.4 MB]
Below for English:

Click to read Report [PDF, 13 pages] »

Fact-Finding Report on POSCO Project in Jagatsinghpur, Orissa

A strong people's resistance has been going on in the parts of Jagatsinghpur district of Orissa against a steel plant and captive port proposed in the area, since July 2005, a month after the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) regarding the project was signed between the Government of Orissa and Pohang Steel Company Limited (POSCO). This fact-finding team (19-22 April) had the following objectives : to get an insight into the concerns being raised in relation to the project by the affected communities, to understand the steps being taken by the authorities concerned to address these issues, and to assess the processes that have taken place in the last two years in relation to the project.

Read previous updates on state terror in Jagatsinghpur, and sign petition.

An APDR publication in Bengali - Land Acquisition in Singur, A Rights Perspective

This publication from APDR collects many documents related to Singur and Nandigram, as well as a detailed timeline. Included are fact-finding reports on the death of Rajkumar Bhul (7 pages), the original protest letter from his father Dwarikanath Bhul, a fact-finding report on Singur dated December 8th (17 pages), original Government and Tata notifications and press releases on land acquisition, APDR responses and letters, and the text of the Land Acquisition Act. Also included is an analytical piece by Amitdyuti Kumar (33 pages).

Click to read publication [PDF, 56 pages] »

Discussion Forum in Panjab University on SEZ and Nandigram - Press Clippings

Arranged by friends of Chhatra Chhatri Sanhati Mancha, Panjab

The meeting was held on April 17, 2007, in Panjab University. It was attended by around a hundred people. All the four speakers - Prof. Sumit Sarkar, Sumit Choudhury, Vaskar Nandy, and Sukhdev Singh — spoke with spirit and substance. Sardara Singh Mahal could not attend as he was unwell. The news was carried by as many as 8 newspapers of the city (English, Hindi, Punjabi put together). In this part of the country land and agriculture is an extremely emotive issue.

Click here for Press Clippings [PDF, 7 pgs] »

Petition from Little Magazine Somonnoy (group of more than 150 little magazines from Bengal)

This is to share our concern with you over the developments happening in this state in the name of industrialization, resulting in massive land-grabbing and eviction of farmers from the fertile lands. Especially, the murders at Singur and the genocide at Nandigram have broken our hearts and made us panic-stricken. We vehemently condemn these incidents and demand for severe punishment of the culprits. We would request you to intervene at your capacity, at the most, to book these murderers so that such incidents never occur in future.

Read the leaflet - page 1 [JPG] »
Read the leaflet - page 2 [JPG] »
Read the leaflet - page 3 [JPG] »

Assorted leaflets from Sanhati Mancha, graffiti from Jadavpur University - following Nandigram massacre

This is the story of that night. The night of 14th March. The CPIM call a local 12-hour bandh after the end of "Operation Nandigram" during the day. In this remote area, where people don't come out after dark anyway, why would they call a bandh? During the day, as we had watched the police attack unfurl in all its fury, shivered in terror as we heard that perhaps sixty people had been killed, we could never have imagined that the most horrifying episodes, the most brutal events had yet to unfold.

And now? After 14th March, after this massacre, do we not understand what Narendra Modi did in Gujarat? Have we not seen world (bank) capital, flowing out of constricted first world markets and jumping hungrily into the third world, with its allure of "industrialisation" - have we not seen what it translates to?

Sanhati Mancha Leaflet [JPG] »

Even after the massacre of Nandigram - those of you who have chosen not to choose sides - I leave behind a rifle. Kill yourself if you can.

Graffiti in Jadavpur University [JPG] »

Medical Team report in Bengali, Poster from MCDSA

Report of Team of Doctor's visit to Nandigram

On March 18, 2007, a group consisting of Sramajibi Swathya Udyog, Dr. Bhaskar Rao Janaswasthya Committee, Peoples Health, Janaswasthya Adhikar Mancha, Peoples Right to Health, and MCDSA (represented by six doctors, three junior doctors, three nurses and two health workers), visited Nandigram, Sonachura and Gokulnagar to treat people injured in the police firing of March 14th.

Click here to read latest report in English

Read their Report in Bengali- Page 1 [JPG] »
Read their Report in Bengali- Page 2 [JPG] »

Poster from MCDSA: Singur to Nandigram, Bangla will be Vietnam

Friend,
Nandigram is bleeding again. After 7th January, 14th March. The so-called "peasant-workers loving" Left Front snuffed out more than a hundred lives with their murderous police force and army of cadres. Their crime - they protested, they protested against the government's advertisement of "development and progress". Not for petty electoral games - they protested to save their land, their homes, their food, clothes, and the fundamental right to live.

Click here to read poster [JPG] »

Then Came the End of Beliefs - Pamphlet from students in JNU

Source : Anandaroop, Anil, Banojyotsna, Bodhisattva, Jeet, Kaustubhmani, Oeendrila, Sanjukta, Sukanya, Upal

Then came the end of beliefs. In our half-reached, quarter-dreamt, woken-in-between, little-believed and broadly accepted CPI (M) parenthetic lives. Development in Nandigram is now measured as the investor-friendly space between the legs of nine year old girls.

14th March. Nandigram. 100 people mowed down. Firing squads replicated.

Click here to see poster 1 [JPG] »
Click here to see poster of PDSF 1 [JPG] »
Click here to see poster of PDSF 2 [JPG] »

Poster of Sanhati Mancha (announcing Mahamichhil), 2 posters of PDSF

In Protest of Nandigram Massacre - unite for Mahamichhil on
24th March, 1:30 p.m. , Deshbandhu Park. We invite people from every
stratum of society, and every social organisation to join us in solidarity.

Chhatra Chhatri Sanhati Mancha

Leaflet from Chhatra Chhatri Sanhati Mancha, December 18th, 2006

The following is a leaflet announcing the first convention of the Chhatra Chhatri Sanhati Mancha, December 18th, 2006. Around 300 students from more than a dozen organisations attended the convention in Students Hall, near College Square. Speakers included Subhendu Dasgupta, Srijan Sen, representatives from all participating groups, and a number of other intellectuals. This was also the day Tapasi Malik was murdered in Singur. After the convention, hundreds of students organized into a spontaneous march down College Street, thundering slogans against the State.

Click here to read page 1 [JPG] »
Click here to read page 2 [JPG] »

Leaflet from Chhatra Chhatri Sanhati Mancha, December 28th, 2006

A leaflet from the Chhatra Chhatri Sanhati Mancha, December 28th, 2006. Around 250 students marched down Central and Southern Calcutta, carrying posters, shouting slogans, distributing leaflets. 84 were arrested near Hazra crossing. Spirits remained high, with arrested students shouting slogans from within prison vans.

Click here to read [JPG] »

Leaflet from Paramanu Chulli Birodhi Committee, Haripur.

A leaflet from the Paramanu Chulli Birodhi Committee, published by Sukumar Bhuyia, from Haripur - the site of the proposed nuclear power plant. Points discussed include the real cost of power plants (fighting State propaganda that it is cheap), the fact that power plants are expensive to keep functional (combating the myth that long-term costs are low), the real amount of coal reserves as quoted by the Geological Survey of India (fighting the popular myth that coal reserves are low and dwindling), the hazards of nuclear power (against the propaganda that it is actually safe), etc.

The leaflet ends with a passionate call to join the struggle against nuclear power in Bengal, India, and all over the world.

Click here to read page 1 [JPG] »
Click here to read page 2 [JPG] »

Leaflet from Teachers and Scientists Opposed to Mal-development

A leaflet from the Teachers and Scientists Opposed to Mal-development, published by Prof. Meher Engineer. Among various points, this leaflet busts the myth that the Tatas are a responsible corporation and their company would contribute to local development. It argues that land acquisition by large corporations is a brutal process and the only index is the profit of the company.

Click here to read page 1 [JPG] »
Click here to read page 2 [JPG] »
Click here to read page 3 [JPG] »
Click here to read page 4 [JPG] »

Appeal from MASUM (human rights organisation) on police violence, Feb 4, 2007

On 4 th of February 2007 nearly 150 villagers of Beraberi and adjoining villages under Singur Police Station assembled near the fences erected by the administration as acquired for Tata motors. The protest was a peaceful one and led by Krishi Jami Rakha Committee. When the protestors assembled at the fence at about 10.30 AM to lodge their protest and shouted slogans, a large number of police bodily resisted them.

Among many protesters, Amitabha Bhattacharya, Sudip Sarkar, Partha Chakraborty, Ajoy Das, Becharam Manna, Ganga Das, Kabita Bag, and Mamata Manna were beaten, some with serious head injuries. Anuradha Talwar of the Right to Food Network was arrested.

Click here to download the leaflet [PDF] »

Special Bulletin from Mazdoor Kranti Parishad (MKP), December 2006

Articles include : a discussion of Singur and the Posco project, and why the MKP is fighting - by Biswajit Hazra, an introduction to SEZs, a call for solidarity against the brutal murder of Tapasi Malik, an article explaining that farmers of Singur hadn't given their land (opposing State propaganda that farmers had spontaneously sold their land) - by Amrita Poira, and the two sides of "development" - "Oder Unnoyon, Amader Unnyon" - by Kushal Debnath.

Bikalpa : A publication from PDSF

A publication called Bikalpa from Progressive Democratic Students Federation (PDSF), edited by Amit, published by Sourav.

Articles include: The role of students in the movement against land acquisition (by Arijit), A summary of the movement in Nandigram (by Parag), Data analysis of land acquisition in Singur ( by MunMun), A discussion of nuclear power plants and their implications ( by Somnath), and an open letter to Tapasi Malik.

This publication came out soon after 11 students including Jishnu Dasgupta and Parag were arrested during a peaceful rally near Alimuddin Street. Many other students were beaten. Arrested students were kept in jail for a number of days.

Analytical booklet on government policy : In the Clutches of Development - Singur, Nandigram

"Unnayoner J(N)atakole Singur, Nandigram…" ( In the Clutches of Development - Singur, Nandigram…) - a booklet by academics and intellectuals.

Includes articles by Pinaki Mitra "Singur, mithye bolchhe Sarkar" (Singur - The Government is Lying), Shakti Das "CPM-er unnoyon dorshone Marx(bad)" (Marxism and the CPM's Philosophy of Development), Anindita Sanyal "Shilpayan : Bhobishyoter bhittihin swapno" (Industrialisation : The Utopia of the Future).

The first article contains detailed data analysis of the nature of land acquisition and peasant "consent" in Singur, "compensation" by the government, and an analysis of the prospect of creation of new jobs by the Tata plant there.

The second article critically examines various slogans of the State such as "Agriculture is our foundation, Industry is our Future", "Industry is needed for the uplift of peasants", "This model of Industrialisation will create jobs, reduce unemployment", "If we don't give Corporations what they want, they will go to other States", and "This is not the time for revolution, but for bargaining with world capital".

The third article contains detailed discussions of the nature of industrialisation and its relation to jobless growth.

Booklet by female activists : Singur Movement : Our Thoughts, Our Resistance

SINGUR ANDOLAN : AAMADER BHABNA AAMADER PRATIBAD
Edited by : Emancipation Publication

A compilation of articles by women intellectuals and artists. Articles range from detailed analysis of land acquisition in Singur, the nature and personalities of the struggle, to an interview of 80-year old activist Saraswati Das.

Includes pieces by Poushali Thakur, Saraswati Das, Tanika Sarkar, Minakshi Sen, Sarmistha Chaudhuri, Prathama Bandyopadhyay, Aparajita Mukherjee, Sudeshna Chakraborty, Shaoli Mitra, Miratun Nahar, Bolan Gangopadhyay, Taslima Nasreen, Saswati Ghosh, Chandreyee Niyogi, Sumita Das, Krishna Bandyopadhyay, Ishita Pain, Barnali Pain, Rajasri Mukhopadhyay, Jolly Bagchi, Chandana Mitra, Anindita Sanyal, Anuradha Deb, Chaitali Sen, Soma Mukherjee, Jashodhara Bagchi, Nandini Dhar, Susmita De, Neha Hui, Munmun.

Poems by Maitreyi Chattopadhyay, Swapna Ghosh, Susmita Bhattacharya, Swapna.

Interviews with Mahasweta Devi, Jaya Mitra.